This article studies changes that occured to the Kunjitoshiki after its establishment by the Kamakura Shogunate in the winter of 1185. Minamoto no Yoritomo (源頼朝) dispatched his retainer Hojo Tokimasa (北条時政) to the court in November 1185 and won permission for him to control the Shogojitoshiki (荘郷地頭職) during the establishment of the Kunijitoshiki. The first section of the article clarifies the actual conditions of the Kunijitoshiki during its early days in the Kansai district. At that time all the Kunijitos arbitrarily controlled the Shogojitoshiki, and privately they maintained ties with the court for handling problems with the Shogojitoshiki. The second section traces the change that occurred to the Kunijitoshiki after July 1186 when the Kunijito lost his former powers to Yoritomo. The third section then analyzes the origin of this change by pointing out the following facts. Every Kunijito understood his position, as if he had been given it directly by the court. From the spring of 1186 the court actually began to control many Kunijito directly, and so the danger arose that Yoritomo might have possibly lost his ability to control all the Kunijitoshiki and Shogojitoshiki.

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Les <<reunions publiques>>, qui jouerent un grand role dans les mouvements d'opposition a la fin du Second Empire, furent aussi le point de depart du mouvement communaliste. L'auteur trouve insuffisantes les etudes faites jusqu'ici sur elles, qui ne s'occupent due des analyses ideologiques des orateurs de ces reunions. Il faut, pour bien saisir la portee de tel mouvement de masse, le replacer dans la vie et la conscience des ouvriers d'alors. La premiere partie de cet article est, donc, consacree aux analyses de la vie et la mentalite de la population parisienne de la fin de l'Empire : il existait alors une sorte de communaute de vie parmi les habitants des quartiers populaires. Bien que cette communaute ne soit pas toujours par elle-meme a l'origine du mouvement populaire, les relations personnelles et les mentalites des habitants qui la constituent, creent <<un monde ouvrier>> autonome au milieu de la societe bourgeoise. C'est dans cette communaute que la tradition revolutionnaire parisienne du 19^e siecle est conservee. Pourtant, en temps ordinaire, cette tradition n'est conservee dans les quartiers populaires que sous diverses formes privees. Dans la seconde partie, le mouvement des <<reunions publiques>> est analyse, d'abord, au point de vue quantitatif : on constate que ce mouvement se concentrait dans les quartiers populaires du centre et du nord-est de Paris, et que c'etait un mouvement de masse, par excellence. Puis les relations entre ces reunions et les habitants sont examinees sous plusieurs aspects : les reunions constituaient, d'abord, une partie ordinaire de la vie quotidienne des ouvriers dans chaque quartier, mais, en meme temps, elles changerent la vie et la conscience des ouvriers dans deux ordres. 1° changement dans les relations personnelles : les reunions etaient le lieu pratique de la democratie directe d'ou naquirent de nouveaux militants. La plupart des futurs militants du Siege et de la Commune entrerent deja en scene au cours de ce mouvement. 2° changement dans la conscience des ouvriers : une vision du monde proprement ouvriere prit corps graduellement au milieu de la masse. Et cette vision du monde etait indissolublement liee, dans la conscience ouvriere, a la tradition revolutionnaire conservee dans les quartiers populaires, qui faisait irruption dans l'ensemble de Paris par les <<reunions publiques>>. Cela explique a la fois la ressemblance apparente des mots utilises entre les radicaux et les ouvriers, et la difference profonde entre eux qui apparaitrait explicitement des la chute de l'ennemi commun, l'Empire. Ainsi, dans les <<reunions publiques>> a la fin du Second Empire, s'amorcait deja le mouvement qui aboutirait a la Commune.

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The revision of the unequal treaties was not only a serious foreign relations problem but was also an issue in domestic politics. This dual nature of this issue can be seen very clearly in the 1893 dispute within the political parties over the Mutsu plan for the revision of the unequal treaties. Within the Kokumin Kyokai party two different approaches to this issue were espoused. Since this party's formation it had advocated both national rights and industrial development. Ooka Ikuzo, the leader of the industrial expansion faction, controlled the party newspaper, the Chuo Shimbun. His plan for the expansion of industry called for the amassing of foreign capital through trade and tourism to Japan. This interest in promoting tourism led him and his faction to approve revising the foreign treaties to allow foreigners complete access to the interior of Japan. In stressing the economic advantages of his approach Ooka took issue with the nationalistic view current at that time, an attitude he felt was unreasonable and extravagant in light of the economic needs of Japan. The opposing,faction within the Kokumin Kyokai stressed that it was premature to allow foreigners complete access to the interior, and as this approach gained popularity, Ooka's faction found it increasingly difficult to maintain its different policy. Within the Kokumin Kyokai the "anti-foreign" faction took control, and the Kaishinto changed its position by calling for the rigid enforcement of the existing treaties. Both of these changes made Ooka's position untenable, and so at the party conference his faction accepted the position of the hard line faction. However, Ooka did not completely give up his views, and in the third general election his faction still opposed most of the party on the revision of the treaties. Thus, possibly because of such a split in the party, the Kokumin Kyokai suffered a devastating defeat in this election. Another result of this split over the treaties was the formation of the Seiyukai. The Ooka faction then split from the Kokumin Kyokai and joined in the formation of the Seiyukai.

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