The present article deals with the methodology of considering the functional aspects of formal documentary styles in discussing the transformation that occurred in document forms in ancient and medieval Japan. The discussion focuses on the typically "medieval" form known as migyosho 御教書, a directive issued by a top ranking aristocratic (3^<rd> rank and above), written in the form of a letter and sent by his secretary. First the author takes up the ancient document form known as cho 牒, an initially ignored Chinese form of communication between officials of different government and religious organizations, arguing that migyosho functioned much like cho, except for the former's appearance as private correspondence. Next, the author distinguishes between the different usages of "private" cho between those directives directly issued (jikijo 直状) from the hands of aristocrats and those written by their secretaries (hosho 奉書), and points to the revision of the ritsuryo codes in AD 804 which recognized the legality of a document called keishi-cho 家司牒, which was signed by an aristocrat's secretary (keishi 家司) in his name and was based on the custom of aristocrats not bothering to sign day-to-day clerical documents. This revision, according the author, marked the origin of migyosho. Finally, the discussion turns to research the done to date, arguing that there has been a failure to distinguish between the use of migyosho as an historical term and as an analytical term, resulting in emphasis on the document's function, instead of its pre-defined hosho form. Therefore, since 1) the historical existence of "migyosho" cannot be traced back any earlier than the tenth century and 2) the last vestige of "private" cho appeared during the last half of the ninth century, the author hypothesizes that a transition between the two document forms probably took place between the late ninth and early tenth century. The paper concludes with the overall view that from as early as the Nara Period, the official documentation stipulated by the ritsuryo codes did not suit the day-to-day clerical tasks of administration, resulting in confusion about document forms. Then, during the late ninth century with a growing appreciation and understanding of "things Chinese, such document forms as kokusho 告書 and cho were reorganized in the process of the transition to medieval-style documentation. One of the social factors in the reorganization was the central role that would be played by documents in claiming and legitimizing power and authority.

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The present article takes up a group in modern Japanese society "educated idler" (hereafter EI) (koto-yumin 高等遊民), whose members were highly educated but were not in social position proper to high educational background. The author examines the group's origins, structure and how it came to be perceived as a social problem. During the last years of the Meiji Era, in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War, the ranks of the EI was increasing by some 20,000 members per year due to such factors as "entrance problems" "lack of employment opportunities" and "dropping out" on the middle school level, as well as a "shortage of jobs" for graduates of technical colleges and universities. The author first attempts to place those EIs who had no visible means of support within the context of the state order by first examining pre-War newspaper reporting about "unemployment" and political concerns over the "dangers" of socialist movements, then describes the post-War attempts at state reorganization in the form of educational reform implemented by the Second Katsura Cabinet, resulting in an increase in the number of schools. However, reform efforts met with opposition in the midst of worsening conditions and were scaled down. With the occurrence of the "High Treason Incident of 1910" (Taigyaku Jiken), involving an alleged socialist plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji, and the subsequent arrests of hundreds of activists, the perceived "threat" posed by the EI and the Superintendent General's comment to crack down on it drew public opposition, resulting in a national debate over the social consequences of the EI. The author's analysis of the debate includes the media's understanding of the EI as a problem related to the social structure, the many reports documenting the lives of EI members ranging from literary figures to slum dwellers and criminals, as well as solutions calling for the dampening of lofty youthful ambition by putting young people to work. After placing the EI as a historical phenomenon characteristic of society in the post-Russo-Japanese War era, the author concludes that the educational and social policies implemented were not sufficient to solve the problem, and that the EI disappeared temporarily in the course of the economic boom generated by World War I, but reappeared during the expansion of higher learning institutions during the early Showa Era.

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The present article takes up a group in modern Japanese society "educated idler" (hereafter EI) (koto-yumin 高等遊民), whose members were highly educated but were not in social position proper to high educational background. The author examines the group's origins, structure and how it came to be perceived as a social problem. During the last years of the Meiji Era, in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War, the ranks of the EI was increasing by some 20,000 members per year due to such factors as "entrance problems" "lack of employment opportunities" and "dropping out" on the middle school level, as well as a "shortage of jobs" for graduates of technical colleges and universities. The author first attempts to place those EIs who had no visible means of support within the context of the state order by first examining pre-War newspaper reporting about "unemployment" and political concerns over the "dangers" of socialist movements, then describes the post-War attempts at state reorganization in the form of educational reform implemented by the Second Katsura Cabinet, resulting in an increase in the number of schools. However, reform efforts met with opposition in the midst of worsening conditions and were scaled down. With the occurrence of the "High Treason Incident of 1910" (Taigyaku Jiken), involving an alleged socialist plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji, and the subsequent arrests of hundreds of activists, the perceived "threat" posed by the EI and the Superintendent General's comment to crack down on it drew public opposition, resulting in a national debate over the social consequences of the EI. The author's analysis of the debate includes the media's understanding of the EI as a problem related to the social structure,the many reports documenting the lives of EI members ranging from literary figures to slum dwellers and criminals, as well as solutions calling for the dampening of lofty youthful ambition by putting young people to work. After placing the EI as a historical phenomenon characteristic of society in the post-Russo-Japanese War era, the author concludes that the educational and social policies implemented were not sufficient to solve the problem, and that the EI disappeared temporarily in the course of the economic boom generated by World War I, but reappeared during the expansion of higher learning institutions during the early Showa Era

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