The Young Ottomans (Yeni Osmanlilar) began their constitutional movement in the late 1860s, but it was in Europe after their exile that they launched their full-blown arguments on constitutionalism and parliamentarianism. For any comprehensive study of the Young Ottoman movement in the broad context of the modern history of the Empire, it is necessary to understand trends within critical circles at that time. From this point of view, the present article focuses on the Polish journalist, Hayreddin-Karski, who fled to the Ottoman Empire and while residing in Istanbul, attempted a systematic critique of the Young Ottomans' assertion for the immediate need to establish a national assembly. First, the author examines Hayreddin's career in Ottoman journalism and confirms that he wrote a number of political articles in several Ottoman Turkish, as well as non-Ottoman Turkish, language periodicals published in Istanbul. Secondly, the author analyzes Hayreddin's Ottoman Turkish articles dealing with parliamentary institutions, including those appearing in Istanbul (1867-1869), Mecmu'a-i Ma'arif (Journal of Education, 1868) and Terakki (Progress, 1868-1870). In these articles, Hayreddin asserted that 1) it would be impossible to immediately establish a national assembly in the Ottoman Empire because of the current low level of sophistication among the Ottoman populace, and 2) it was much more urgent to establish local assemblies through the reformation of existing provincial councils, then gradually form a national assembly. Finally, the author compares Hayreddin's opinions to those of the Young Ottomans, revealing opposition regarding the timing of national assembly formation and how to evaluate reform policies implemented by the Ottoman government. The above analysis shows that there existed at least two currents of thought in the debate over parliamentarianism in the Ottoman Empire during the late 1860s, i.e. an idea that the immediate establishment of a national assembly was required as the Young Ottomans insisted, and another idea that put establishing local assemblies before a national assembly as Hayreddin asserted. One of the main causes of the differences between the two currents may be attributed to different ways of evaluating present reform policies initiated by the Ottoman government. If so, such a fact would be of help in understanding the real, substantive arguments in the parliamentarianism debate during the 1860s. Therefore, the heretofore little studied ideas of Hayreddin-Karski would make it possible to reassess the existing historical evaluation of the Young Ottoman movement and to re-examine its significance in the context of intellectual diversity in the debate over parliamentarianism during that time.

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The Higashimaya Bunko copy of Nicchu Gyoji (Daily Events) was, according to a recent study by Nishimoto Masahiro, written during the early 11^<th> century and contains important information about the Heian period not found in any other extant source. This article examines the information provided by Nicchu Gyoji in conjunction with newly discovered sources materials pertaining to court couriers reporting the time to the emperor ("Naijusoji-no-koto"内豎奏時事) and the palace guard's night-watch ("Konoe no-jin Yako-no-koto 近衛陣夜行事), in order to clarify how time was kept at the emperor's quarters(Dairi 内裏).According to Nicchu Gyoji, there were two methods for reporting the time to the emperor: one verbally in the evening through the Mumeimon 無名門 Gate; the other by ramming a stake into a board at which time is written in the court yard inside the Gate. According to related sources for the time, the inscribed placard was not only the means of informing the emperor's attendants of the time, but was itself considered as an instrument for reporting directly to the emperor, and, as such, was carefully handled and guarded by the time courier, whose role was in turn considered very important in palace operations. Regarding the palace guard's night shift, during the time between about 9p.m. and 5a.m. the watch would patrol the palace, performing such duties as eradicating evil omens and preventing fires. At the beginning of the night-watch, the guard would enter through the Mumeimon Gate and announce the time, which the author suggests was performed in accordance with procedures for the time courier.

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During the late 19^<th> and early 20^<th> century, namely, the late Qing period, ideas about physical education flowed rapidly into China, and the exercises that constituted the central activity of such ideas became more and more popularl. This article examines how these ideas about physical education and exercising were adopted in China and also describes how the ideas helped change the Chinese physique. The general idea of physical education first entered China via Herbert Spencer's well-known work, Education: Intellectual, Moral, and Physical. Since Spencer's ideas about education in general were liberal and naturalistic, his ideas about its physical aspects focused on what promoted natural growth and improved health in order to free the body from debilitating impediments. However, in China, Yan Fu, who was the first to assimilate Spencer's ideas systematically, also regarded intellectual, moral, and physical abilities as freeing people from impediments, but stressed the ultimate purpose of such a process to be the construction of a strong and prosperous nation. Thus, the body would not only be released into a state of nature, but also incorporated as an indispensable part of the nation. At that time, the concepts of physical education and exercise were also permeating gradually into China by way of Japan. Especially during the early 20^<th> century, military calisthenics (heishiki-taiso) that had been practiced in Japan since their introduction by Education Minister Mori Arinori under government policies of military nationalism (gunkokumin-syugi). In other words, physical training was conceived as a means of militarizing society. Ideas about physical education in China were strongly influenced by Japanese ideology, as the bodies of its citizens were bound tightly to the fate of the nation. At this stage, ideas of physical liberty purported by Yan Fu had been clearly eliminated from the physical education curricula in China.

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