The inscription IG3 1032, known as the Athenian Naval Catalogue (hereafter, ANC), provides us with unique epigraphical evidence regarding the composition of crews aboard Athenian triremes of the 5th century BCE. Found dispersed atop and near the Acropolis over time, this inscription consists of eleven fragments of Pentelic marble, which have been painstakingly assembled to reconstruct a monument once inscribed with the complete lists of the crew members of eight Athenian triremes appearing in ten columns. One of the most striking facts to emerge from the ANC's demographic information is that slaves（therapontes） comprised significant proportions of four of the ships' crews appearing in the fragments, giving rise to lively discussion as to whether ANC reflects a common Athenian practice in this regard・ The author comments as follows.
The research to date often associates ANC with the critical situation at the time of Arginusai (or Aigospotamoi). However, this position is not supported by any solid evidence, for it is practically impossible to date precisely when ANC was erected and thus to place it in any specific historical context, although the inscription most probably dates to pre-412 times. The presence of a large number of slaves among the crews of the four triremes is not exceptional for the latter half of the 5th century. There is solid, albeit scant, evidence indicating the regular use of slaves in the Athenian navy during the late 5th century. Moreover, on the basis of a far more substantial body of evidence, it must be concluded that slaves were routinely used in the crews of the non-Athenian navies which engaged in the Peloponnesian War. Therefore, strong evidence would be needed in order to conclude that slaves did not serve in the contemporary Athenian navy.
Other indices also indicate that the crew composition of the triremes appearing on ANC was nothing other than normal. Most of the marines（epibatai） on board were attended by one slave; that is, they were affluent enough to afford one. Several of their names also reflect substantial backgrounds. It has generally been believed that marines were normally thetes; but the evidence on which this notion is based on is flimsy. Most of the evidence indicates not only that the arming of thetes as marines was the exception rather than the rule in Athenian practices, but also that ma-rines usually consisted of volunteers from among citizens of higher social standing.
The variety of the crew composition of each of the four triremes on ANC strongly suggests their random recruitment by each trierarch. Evidence shows that for most of the 5th and all of the 4th century, conscription was the exception rather than the rule. Therefore, since conscription seems to have been ineffective, the state often had to lay the responsibility of enlisting crew to the trierarchs, suggesting that recruitment on the part of the trierarchs was the established custom at the time of ANC.
This article is an attempt to further the empirical research on the origins and development of capital accumulation among the various groups forming the hereditary peerage（kazoku 華族）established by the Meiji government, focussing on the financial activities of the ex-feudal lord（daimyo kazoku 大名華族）contingent, taking up the case of the Shimadzu 島津 clan（ex-feudal lords of southern Kyushu and the Ryukyu Islands）and its earliest attempts at capitalist entrepreneurship.
It was in 1877 that a group of kazoku at the urging of Iwakura Tomomi became the shareholders of the Jugo Bank by investing the public debentures（Kinroku Kosai 金禄公債）they had received（17.8 million yen in total）from the final settlement over hereditary feudal（Tokugawa Bakufu issued）stipends. While this venture was clearly a government measure to promote the creation of capital among the members of its peerage, the author's detailed analysis of the Shimadzu clan's accounting records reveals that the dividends earned from the banking venture were spent solely on household expenses with nothing left over for further investment beyond the bank stock. What such a situation means is that without a full examination of the ways in which each of the stockholders of the Jugo Bank managed their dividend incomes, it would be impossible to conclude prima facie that the venture marked the birth of daimyo kazoku capital accumulation in modern Japan. Furthermore, daimyo kazoku were required to not only maintain their own aristocratic lifestyles, but also contribute to the prosperity of their former retainers. Controlling the expenditures incurred by the latter was also an important issue facing this group of peers at that time. Therefore identifying at exactly what point in time such problems were overcome is also an important factor in investigating the creation of daimyo kazoku investment capital.
In Shimadzu clan case, they did not lend former clan members money directly, but they protected their assets by holding stocks of the Daigo Bank (it was related to former clan closely) for a long time. They reorganized the accounting management system, and was able to aggressive stock investments because they obtained funds from selling all Nippon Railway stocks in 1891. In this article, we recognize the above time as the birth of daimyo kazoku capital, and the maturity date of the Jugo Bank which gave a high dividend to stakeholders was positioned as the second stage. Until maturity, the public debentures (turned Jugo Bank stock) would serve to sustain the daimyo kazoku clans until their rebirth as entrepreneurial capitalists and should therefore be interpreted as a staging ground for things to come.