England’s rapid urban growth during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, in addition to the widespread dislike of the French police system during that period, form the backdrop to this article, aiming at the reconsideration of how and why modern police forces were introduced into the country. S.H.Palmer has argued that one of the factors leading to the establishment of the Metropolitan Police was the heavy reliance of the authorities on the military in suppressing riots, while M.McCormack has recently pointed out that armed volunteers under the civil authorities acting in a paramilitary capacity were regarded as more acceptable than the army, embodying an image of vigilantism. This article examines the roles played by volunteers in the area of riot control and explores how their activities influenced institutional reforms in policing during the early nineteenth century.
The article begins by considering the changes which occurred in policing organizations from the 1780s onwards which had existed before the French Revolutionary Wars. The first chapter argues that the Home Office exerted its influence on the selection of stipendiary magistrates and the financial affairs of the new offices established under the Middlesex Justices Act of 1792, which led to the development of a new system of policing to deal with disturbances after the French Revolution.
The next chapter examines in detail the organizational and financial management of the Light Horse Volunteers of London and Westminster, as well as two other armed associations in the City wards, in an attempt to show that sustained activities of volunteers were supported by both public and private networks having been maintained on a daily basis in their communities. Nevertheless, government subsidies undoubtedly played an important role in maintaining those volunteer activities, which were, in principle, self-funded.
Finally, the third chapter highlights the extent to which a variety of policing and military organizations in London cooperated with one another, under the loose guidance of the Home Office, in policing, when they had to deal with the new social conditions brought about by the outbreak of the wars with France. This allowed magistrates and constables to become more effective in riot control. This article concludes that the need for permanent, effective, but civilian policing organizations after the wars led to the emergence of the Metropolitan Police, out of the experience of volunteer forces.

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The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) is an organization set up in 1889, made up of members of parliament of sovereign states, which still exists today. From 1908, members of Japan’s House of Representatives took part in the IPU, sending a group of representatives to its yearly general assembly. One of their successes was in 1914, when they formed a working group with representatives from the US to address the California Alien Land Law. However, due to the financial pressures following the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese House of Peers did not take part in the IPU, and, after the outbreak of the First World War, the relationship between the House of Representatives and the IPU also lapsed. This article looks at the figure of Miyaoka Tsunejirō, an internationalist, who worked to reconnect the IPU and the Imperial Diet, reform the Japanese representative group, as well as push for participation by the House of Peers. Using archival materials from the IPU’s archives in Geneva, and materials held in the House of Representatives’ international office, it studies Miyaoka’s activities as well the international background against which such parliamentary diplomacy took place. Through such work, and through viewing the “internationalization” of the Imperial Diet from the perspective of Miyaoka, this article reveals and delineates heretofore hidden issues.
　Firstly, this article traces the “Non-official way” whereby Miyaoka - himself not a parliamentarian - linked the Imperial Diet and the IPU. In doing so, it reveals the nature of the internationalist network in this era. Next, the article delineates the nature of Miyaoka’s actions and his information networks. It analyses Miyaoka’s thinking, in correspondence with the IPU, about structural issues regarding the internationalization of the Imperial Diet. Miyaoka, although he supported parliamentarism, and emphasized the development of the House of Representatives overseas, held opinions that viewed the House of Peers’ involvement in Parliamentary Diplomacy as preferable for a variety of reasons. He acted on the belief that participation in the IPU by the House of Peers was a crucial factor for the stabilization of relations between it and the Imperial Diet. Such views differed from the popular image of the “democratization of diplomacy”, and can be seen as retaining many of the ideas of “classic diplomacy”. Finally, this article outlines the process whereby the Japanese representative group was reformed, and the House of Peers came to participate in the IPU, both via this “Non-official way”, before ending with a look forward to the development of the Imperial Diet's overseas relations in the 1920s and beyond.

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