This paper is a preliminary essay on the theory of Afro-Asian societies from the viewpoint of political sociology. The study of developing nations is important for two reasons. One is practical ; the other is theoretical. What shall Afro-Asian people do to modernize their societies? How might we settle the north-south problem? Can established western theories be used to analyze the various phenomena in Afro-Asian societies? What concepts or framework could we develop for this analyses?
One of the basic problems in sociology is interest diversification and integration in society. Starting with this basic premise some concepts and a suitable framework were developed to analyze political societies. In addition the problem of political integration was attacked. It was necessary to analyze the kind of political integration pursued by different people and means in each society. From empirical studies theories of political systems and analyses of the relationships between interest diversification and political integration could be developed. Using the political thoughts and idologies of African political leaders as case studies, the relationships between interest diversification and and integration, specifically political participation and mobilization, was considered.

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The Problem
Many scholars have been collecting the data about “political sociailzation” -how people come to have a political orientation as they do. But they haven't reducted generalized propositions (in Merton's sense) from these data. In this paper, I try to reduct empirical propositions and to discover a small number of propositions that are valid in several diverse context.
The procedure
Many scholars studying group dynamics have accumulated results about group pressure. So, I try to reinterpret political socialization process as the effects of group pressure of agents groups such as family, school, occupational groups.
The Results
Four variables are found to be important to explain the strength of the group pressure of agents. These are (1) the degree of acceptance of the group norm (2) the degree of importance of the group norm for the group (3) the degree of attractiveness of the group for the group member (4) the group structure.
Propositions
I can't afford to stale all propositions here. For example, I state about the first proposition.
Social Psychological Proposition (a general proposition)
The more people in the group percept and accept the group norm, the more people come to conform to the group norm.
Political Socialization Proposition (empirical propositions)
A. Family…… the more children know about parents' political orientation (the group norm of the family), the more they conform to the parents' political orientation.
B. Scool
The more pupils accept the group norm about political orientation (if any), the more they conform to the school norm.
C. Occupational group.
The more people communicate about political issuses in work place and form and accept the group norm, the more people conform to the group norm.

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The main purpose of this article is to elucidate the process by which the occupations in the modern society are professionalized, through a case study of the nurse in Japan.
The nurse is still considered as a semi-profession in Japan.
Why is it ? In conclusion, it is due to the fact that there still remains a big distance between the nurse and “full-fledged professions” in that the nurse lack autonomy or a wide range of freedom as individuals and groups' and speciality to guarantee the autonomy or a system of highly professionalized knowledge and technology, both of which constitute a basic requirement of professions. In other words, the central questions in professionalization of the nurse are : firstly, how to establish their “speciality” based on the systematized knowledge and technology, and secondly, how to free themselves from subordination to medical doctors amidst the rapidly bureaucratizing organization of hospitals and thus to establish their “speciality”.
The answers to these two questions have so far been sought in the improvement of training and certification system of the nurse and in the movements for obtaining rights as laborers.
This article, however, intends to examine the structure of attitudes and opinion of nurses toward the situations and meaning of the occupation in which they are engaged, as a preliminary task before attempting to identify the tendency toward professionalization in the policy or in the movement. It seems essential if we are to consider the possibility that the nurse may be professionalized.
The survey used in this paper was administered to 296 nurses holding certificates under the new system in seven hospitals in Tokyo. Contrasting the results of this survey, I also used parts of the results of the survey administered to 246 students in their final year enrolled in nine nursing junior colleges or higher institutes.
The following points have been revealed by the surveys :
Reflected strongly in the opinion and attitude of nurses are the difficult situations for the professionalization such as unsatisfactory system and content of education, immature science of nursing, subordinate relation to medical doctors, gap between what they are originally expected to do and what they are actually doing, and weak Japan Nursing Association, which should play a central role in the efforts toward the professionalization of the nurse.
This fact implies that the nurse has not yet reached even the level of semi-profession, the typical example of which are the elementary and lower secondary school teacher. In spite of this low level of professionalization, they are quite satisfied with the present level of specialization and autonomy and optimistic about the future of their occupation. The nurse still remains to establish itself as a semi-profession. Its full-fledged professionalization will begin when it has attained speciality and autonomy as a semi-profession. But, it is quite dubious if they will show the confidence and optimistic perspectives about the level of professionalization of their occupation and its future possibility as they do today, even when they have established as a semi-profession.

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“SOCIAL MOBILITY”, written by М. Н. Рукевнч (M.H. RUTKEBICH) et al. is the first comprehensive achievement of Soviet sociology in the field of social mobility in the U.S.S.R..
The interesting data are surveyed in Ural heavy industrial area, especially in Sverdorovsk city. And its main contents are : The Predominant Tendency in Social Mobility, Social Background of the Specialist (Intelligentsia), Promotion to the Administrative Works, and The Future Plan of The Secondary School Student.
The authors are insisting on exploring the function of social mobility to bring all classes in the U.S.S.R. toward equal conditions. But the situations are not so favorable as they expect. First of all, the increase of social mobility does not directly lead to the classless society. On the contrary, in modern industrial society technology makes new differentiation of roles.
And reality in the Soviet society are as follows : some decades after the Russian Revolution industrialization and urbanization facilitated social mobility, but nowadays the tendency to consolidate the class position come to appear, for example, intelligentsia under forty years old come eminently fromilies of their own. And in social mobility the factor of education is very important, but preparations for the entrance examination of university are troublesome for offspring of the workers and the collective peasantry and they prefer to enter the Secondary Specialized School (Tekhnicum). In promotion toward the administrative work the specialists are most favorable in selection. And in rating occupational prestige, the works of intelligentsia (mental work) are by far highly estimated than those of physical works, and the difference of rating between the top and the lowest is larger than in the U.S.A. and in Japan.
Considering these aspects, the writer cannot be optimistic toward what is happening in the Soviet society.
But many interesting data, for example, changes of social positions through three generations, age-structure of the village-deserters, characteristic of some of the administrative workers and their motives toward the promotion, are useful for sociologists not specialized in Soviet sociology.

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A pattern of communication prevailing in one age reflects the world outlock or spirit of that age. We cannot assume that speech act as one pattern of oral communication has been universal throughout man's history.
Yukichi Fukuzawa, one of the greatest educators in the Meiji period, pointed out that he could never find the Japanese equivalent to “speech” in English, and stressed that the art of public speaking be cultivated for the development of modern democracy in Japan.
The pattern of oral communication in which a speaker addressed a large crowd was imported to Japan from China in ancient times. This pattern of communication, however, became diversified under the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, both of which dominated Japan's climate. The practice of reciting passages of classic texts, for example, was the pattern of communication unique to Japan deriving from Confucianism. The common method of teaching at Japanese Buddhist temples was for a teacher-priest and a few of his studentdisciples to enact a play concerning the doctrine of Buddhism in the question-and-answer form before other student-disciples. It was something like a panel discussion of today.
In the medieval age of Japan the pattern of communication called Sekkyo or Sekkyo-bushi in which a preacher recited, sang melodiously, or acted out Buddhist stories before a large crowd, was developed. In order to distinguish between such Sekkyo or Sekkyo-bushi and “speech”, the author proposes to introduce a new concept, “mass-logue”.
Mass-logue, defined as the pattern of oral communication in which one speaker addresses a large crowd of people, has the following three characteristcs :
(1) Mass-logue must not have elements other than those those expressed only by words. In other words, it must exclude such elements as singing and dancing.
(2) Mass-logue is one-time communication. In other words, it is conceived and performed only once by the speaker and is never repeated in exactly the same form.
(3) Mass-logue is one-way communication.
The author believes that a comparison between mass-logue as an ideal type and Sekkyo and Kodan as historical facts will lead to a fresh approach to analysis of some aspects of the behavioral pattern of the Japanese people.

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