It is a real fact that many problems arise, as the communication in human society has been greatly changed in accordance with the turning up of the mass media. To study these problems of the communication of human society, we have to take the so-called “primary process” as Edward Sapir says into the consideration. Thus, in this aspect, this report will point out what characteristics the communication in human society have and what fnnction it will carry out.
It is clear that there must be some communication, among whatever it may be human or animal group as long as they lead collective life. Yet, the communication in human society is quite different from that of animal group. It is because that only human beings can use the symbol, and the communication of the human society is symbolic communication.
The symbol is arbitrary sign which has no relation with the experimental facts in its quality, then it does not loose its meaning even when it is separated from the logical coherence of the fact. These symbol include languages, letters, drawings, etc., and each has its own characteristics respectively.
It has a great significance in human development that human beings has such symbolic communication. That is, if culture is defined as Iver Jr. syas, “recurring patterns of behavior or results of behavior which are shared and which can be transmitted from group to group and generation to genertion”, culture could not exist unless symbolic communication is premised because only symbolic communication is able to overcome time and space.
It is also said that the existence and the development of human society, as far the human society is understood as cultural scope, are surely depend on the mentioned communication. The symbolic communication has the function to maintain the unification and the harmonious change of human society.
This communication has been changed its phases recently in connection with development of the society. That is, there needs some media which makes the communication more effective, as the society assumes considerable enlargement and specialization, it is a matter of course mass media comes out consequently.

抄録全体を表示

Whether it is possible or not to establish any basic proposition in the quantitative understanding of social phenomena ? This study aims to outline the reflection on that question by experimental testing. The basic proposition examined here is that the measured results of the same object by different correct scales have relative conformity. To examine this, we used the “Socio-economic Status Scale” by F. S. Chapin and W. H. Sewell which is taken to be most effective on the research of this sort of social phenomena. We elaborated that seale considering the minimum needs to make a new one. And we made two more scales on its application. Selected objects for the study were three villages under reclamation in Hokkaido : Takuhoku and Kyowa buraku in Tokachi Region and poor household settlement at Saroma in Abashiri Region. The number of these families were 58 in all.
The research by the four scales showed almost same results. In Takuhoku buraku, the status differentiation was the most remarkable, and in Saroma the status scores were lowest. We got also unexpected conformity in other respects. Then on the so-called cross-community in which the three villages merged we studied the distribution of the status in each village. Takuhoku, Kyowa and Soroma formed “regular strata” in order concerning both highest and lowest limits. Moreover the correlation between the status score gained by each family and the cash income was high.
However, in spite of these considerable conformity, some problems remain. By what standard is the stratification conducted ? What is the fundamental theory regarding the elaboration of scale ? And so on. We need seriously the theoretical considerations to solve them.

抄録全体を表示

This artiole is to work out an effective method for the dynamic grasp of the fishing village's social structure through the research of a fishing village.
The followings are to be considered in analysing the social structure of avillage ; 1) Socio-economic base of the village, 2) Structure of the village community, and 3) Interrelation of the commuuity structure with the personalities of its members.
First, according to the examination of the socio-economic base of the village, Tsukahama Village is found to be an usually closed society in both the economic and social sense, activity. Fishing, generally coastal in nature, is on a small-scale, being based upon family labor and small scale farming help to maintain this closed society, which lacks communication facilities.
Next, the analysis of the community structure shows that ; 1) Staus is usually ascribed on the bases of sex and age, with particular emphasis given the latter. Power and prestige are generally given to older men of experience, not to those whoh ave economic power, or marked ability or who hold the status at a family head as is common villages. 2) Behavior patterns of the villagers in their respective status are largely inherited from their predecessors and are regulated by their traditional customs. 3) All functions in the village are performed by a group called “jitsugyo-dan”. (work group)without differentiating functions.
Particular attention is given to the analysis of the interrelationship between community structure and the personality of its members. Study of the integration between the villagers ascribed role and their growth pattern discloses many conficts, which are not manifest at a superficiail glance and which are disposed of according to their personality structures.From this perspective, the social characters of the villagers, for instance, predominance of traditional customs, villager's social passiveness, strong community sentiment and contrary egoism, are all viewed as inevitable products of this closed society, where the villagers are obliged to take such attitudes as the most “effective” adjustment possible in the milieu. Of course it is also needed to brand them as pre-modern, but here, among other things, the structural and functional nexus of these characters are discussed as the most problematical subject.

抄録全体を表示

The present study attempts the explanation of the extended family system which plays a significant role in the structure analysis of the rural community in Japan from the following two viewpoints.
Firstly, the dynamic change of the extended family system is determined by the way of adaptation which 'Honke'-the center of the extended family system-shows to the development of the entire social and economic system. The analysis is to be focused on the adaptation with the basis of study on the form and fuunction of landownership of 'Honke, .
Secondly, the extended family system of hierarchical make-up with the control power of 'Honke' at the center will be discussed in trms of the position in the structure of rural cmmunity and the interrelationship of several extended famileis in a community.
This analytical study of two communities will be concluded in the next number.
Case I. A mountain village in the district of forest of government ownership in Akita Prefecture has the strong extended family system of 'Honke' centered structure. The 'Honke' of the extended family system succeeded in the enterprise concerned with this government-owned forest and expauded its properties as well as its land which was tenanted by its 'Bunke' famileis or the 'Bunke' famileis newly estabished for the purpose of tenancy. The extended family system was enlarged and strengthened consequently. We find here the situation reverse to the general tendency of dissolution with the development of capitalism.
Case II. In a village in Nagano Prufecture, which has the high productive power from paddyfield and is counted as one of the sericulture villages in Japan, there is the situation that there has no difference of Landownership seen bet. Honke and Bunke since the middlles of 19th century. As a conseqaence, weaker cohesion of families is seen. The attention of people is paid on the kinship of blood rather than an the order of families. There still exists, however, a view of Honke as higher than the other. Some 'Honke' which owns larger portion of land coans the land to Bunke. Their relationship of tenancy, however, , does neither aim nor result in strengthening the extended family system. The emphasis is rather on the safely of minor land owners for the management of land.

抄録全体を表示

Human mobility is, by some authers, said to be one of the main couses of pesonal and social disorganization, or of social and cultural changes, at least indices of their causes as Burgess once said. But migration, a most important factor of such mobility, has been studied chiefly on place of birth data or net migrators, not on all cases of migration in a given cmmunity, which took place actually in a certain time, that is to say, not as a kind of spatial mobility. This is perhaps owing to the fact that we have no such rigid official registration system of migration as those of birth and death. However the data that can de obtained from our rationing system of stable food that has been taking effect in and after the second War in Japan, are, if used with proper discretion, to offer us adequate information on some attributes of all migrators. The data of this research were, therefore, taken from the official registers of this system kept in a city called “Yokkaichi” situated on the west coast of “Ise Bay”, about 40 k.m. south-west of Nagoya. It is a port city of the middle-class type, chiefly industrial, with a population of about 130, 000. They were limited to all of those who migrated in or out in a year, 1951. The number of migrators studied is about three million.
The data were arranged according to the two districts, the central older district and the outer new one, and further divided into 15 areas, 7 of which were in the former district and the other 8 of which were in the latter. And they were analyzed on the viewpoints of migration rate, sex ratio and age distribution of migrators, and distance traversed by them. Thus the migration patterns of two districts and 15 areas were compared. As the result we have had the following tentative conclusions so far. Of course we must acknowledge some serious exceptions. (1) The more urban, namely, the more indusrial or/and commercial an area is, the higher the migration rate of that area is. Therefore, mobility is thought to be closely correlated with urban characteristics. (2) Two distinct polar types can be discerned among the migration patterns of districts and areas. The one is that migration selectivity on age and sex is more severe or stronger and the number of migrators who went longer distance is far larger than that of those who did shorter distance. The other is that selectivity on both is rather weak and shorter-distance migrators are more numerious than those who migrated longer distance. (3) The former type is, generally speaking, found in the district and the areas which are industrial rather than commercial or more, industrial, especially in the areas in which a certain kind of industry prevails predominantly. The latter one is found in the district and the areas which are distinctly commercial or more commercial. So it can be assumed that industry in general is rather, or perhaps some kinds of industry are largely, correlated with migration selectivity.

抄録全体を表示

The number of those who engaged in agriculture in Japan was estimated about 14, 000, 000 before the second World War, but afterwards it rose to 20, 000, 000 for some time and still now amounts to about 17, 000, 000. In such situation, this study aims to make clear through the research on the employment conditions of the members of agricultural households. The researched objects were the members over fifteen years old in agricultural households in a suburban village.
Their labored days on their jobs were calculated from the interview with heads of the households. Then the author tried to pich up the seemingly superfluous labor force among the incomplete and complete unemployed. Twelve persons (4.3%) of 279 over fifteen years old in 70 researched households were considered as superfluous labor force. Those households which absorbed these superfluous labor force were almost middle and rich formers' families whose estates were over one cho. These families has relatively many members or these who engaged in agriculture. Secondly, more superfluous labor force was found among. incompletely unemployed persons then in completely unemployed. Thirdly, in age categories, superfluous population falls almost into the youth under 25 years old and in the old over 50 years old. None of them was in the 30-40 age category Finally it should be noted that all the smallfarmers' families under 5 tan were in half-unemployed conditions. Only one person was found as superfluous abor lforce in this status. But of all working population in this status, the incomplete unemployed persons occupies 40 % and their incomes from their workis very low, so that these families were obliged to reduce considerably the level of livelihood.
In conclusion, though the author found out unexpectedly few superfluous labor force, it proves the unadequacy of the employment scaling to the problem of the superfluous lobor force in Japanese village. We must seek out the superfluous labar force rather in the completely employed persons. In such method, the research will be poly-angled, including the point of view of the level of livelihood of agricultural households or that of the rationalization of the agricultural management.

抄録全体を表示