If the major purpose of sociological theory is directed to the understanding of the general laws of social phenomena, and the collection of empirical data by social research is, in the long run, considered to be one of the effective means to achieve this purpose, then it will be desired that consistent conceptualization of the logical qualities of social causation be reached. This article is primarily devoted to the consideration of the methodology of Max Weber. Particular attention is given to his distinction between causality as a concept of individual causality relation to sociohistorical phenomena and the conception of general causality in natural sciences. It then attempts to evaluate the possibilities and limitations of applicability of the logic of social causation to such levels of phenomena as “succession” and “co-existence”, and “microcosm” and “macrocosm”. The main conclusions are : 1) The applicability of logic of causality is fundamentally identical regardless of objects. And the distinction of individuality and generality of causality is simply matter of degree based on the difference of levels of application. 2) The conception of causality of “co-existent” and “microcosmic” social phenomena requires the conception of “successive” and “macroscosmic” level of causality as its logical preliminary, and the former can play a role of verification for the latter only in this limited sense. 3) The conception of “successive” and “macrocosmic” causality is, in the long run, that of causation based on the law of evolution in the total social system. 4) The conception of “microcosmic” and “co-existent” causality involves the conception of various derived conditions which differ in importance because of the fundamental causal law. 5) The subjective elements in social phenomena function by playing a role as secondary drives which accompany the movement of objective conditions 'controlling social phenomena.
This article is a critique Mr. K. Morioka's article “The Extended Family Group of the Honganji Temple of the Shinshu Sect at the End of Mediaeval Period” which appeared in No. 9 and 10 of this review. His article has value in that it raises fresh problems concerning unexplored areas of religious organization. However, his method is insufficient for the analysis of a special group such as a religious body which has its 'unique doctrines, rituals and history. While he correctly regards the “ikkeshu” group as a combination of religious authority and blood relationship, he gives no explanation of its establishment. In other words, he merely analogizes it to the extended family organization of the mediaeval age. From his point of view, “ikkeshu” is simply regarded as one type of extended family organization. In the religious organization of “Shinshu” sect, however, a combination of religious authority and blood relationship existed at the doctrinal level prior to the establishment of “ikkeshu”. And “ikkeshu” was organized on the basis of this ideal pattern. Therefore, for the full understanding of “ikkeshu”, it must be considered from the point of the conditions and historical processes which had supported this ideal pattern. This problem is important not only for the understanding of “ikkeshu”, but to the understanding of the groups as historically constituted. To analogize one group to another by arbitrarily restricting it in the analysis to that from which it had at one particular historical epoch and then analogizing it upon that basis to another form of organization which existed in that epoch may had to “la méthode monographique” which was criticized by Durkheim and Cuvilier. Extended family organization in the religious sect is not a simple extension or “one type” of family, but a unique structured group which has absorbed blood relationship into the religious authority. Understanding of this structure must proceed from a consideration of its inner conditions and historical processes. Thus, Mr. Morioka's methodology may be deficient if it is not strengthened by “la méthode comparative historique” which unites “la methode comparative” and history.
This article analyses the social structure of the agriami fishing carried on the sandy beach of H town, and its pre-modern character which enables the enterprise, despite bad conditions such as the lack of a natural sea port and technical improvements to continue to exist. Each of the aguriami fishing enterprise constitutes an organic unit composed of over one-hundred fishing laborers of both sexes and about twenty fishing processors under a top manager called amimoto, an owner of nets. There are seven units of this sort in H town, the structure of each is similar, despite differences in the scale of business. The wage of laborers is mainly determined in proportion to the amount of the catch and lacks the basis of regular pay. This proportion is to a considerable extent determined at the sole discretion of the amimoto. Thus, the resulting instability and poverty of wage for laborers makes borrowing from the amimoto against future wages inevitable. This relation based on wage advances and the wage, determined solely by amimoto, not only compels obedience to the amimoto institutionally, but also promote the personal relations based on girl and ninjo which rationalizes the obedience psychologically. The processors belong exclusively to a particular amimoto, which enables amimoto to stifle free competition and enables them to set prices profitable for themselves. These results in low cost, difficulty of maintenance of the industry and the processors liability to the amimoto. The relation between processors and an amimoto is not a contractual relationship of equals. The former stands on a dependent position like that of wage laborers despite their assumed independent enterprise. Based on these two institutions in which an amimoto controls fishing laborers and processors, pre-modern structure of this fishing society can be clearly analysed. Some forms of resistance to amimoto control can be seen. But the main refuge from this control system is for the laborers to emigrate and for processors to buy from other districts. These negative means of resistance tend to weaken such active means as the establishment and promotion of labor and trade unions. Motivation for their establishment is minimal. There is no orientation toward collective solution of problems. The amimoto have no interest in technical improvement and are eager to maximize profit in status quo situation where they enjoy high status in a pre-modern relationship. Thus, there is no positive trend to modernization in this society. In spite of this, discontent with the amimoto is maturing within the society, and a psychological basis change in the existing system by outside forces is now growing. Though the workers manifestly accept the status quo with apathetic resignation, they are in fact not contend with it. This contradiction manifests itself in such a phrase bearing some self-sardonic meaning. “The funakata (a master of boats) is a speck of dust of a human being”. This, of course, is pathetic resignation, but it helps maintain some potential of feeling ready to burst forth. The pre-modern social relations which superficially appear fixed may have unanticipated weakness at their base.
In this article, which is a part of a series of reports based on the results of a field research in Tokyo, the writers attempt to analyse the characteristics of the structure of social consciousness of a modern urban population in Japan. This analysis is based on attitude measurements using two scales ; one designed to measure the authoritarian tendency in personality structure which has been affected by the traditional Japanese value-attitude system and which played an important role as a psychological basis of Japanese fascism : the other is designed to measure politico-economic orientation based on a socialistic-nonsocialistic dichotomy. The various means scores of these two scales are compared statistically, for each occupational group, different age categories, educational levels and political party allegiances. The main findings are as follows : 1) As for occupational differences, students and industrial workers are the most socialistic groups in politicoeconomic orientation, but industrial workers reveal more authoritarian and traditional tendencies than students, who are the most non-authoritarian group. The artisan group is most authoritarian and more nonsocialistic. The artisan group reveals a somewhat similar pattern of consciousness to that of the small entrepreneurs and manegrerial and executive types who constitute the most anti-socialistic groups. These groups have played an important role as active psychological supporters of Japanese fascism in the World War II. The white-collar groups as a whole shows similar mean scores on both scales, but groups within the white-collar category differ in their characteristic consciousness. 2) There is a positive correlation between authoritarian and non-socialistic attitudes and age. The higher the level of education, the more non-authoritarian and socialistic the sample becomes. 3) As for the political party allegiance, the supporters of Jiyuto (Liberal Party) and Kaishinto (Progressive Party) are the most authoritarian and non-socialistic, the supporters of the Left Socialist Party are most nonauthoritarian and socialistic. The Right Socialist Party adherents are rather similar to the conservative party supporters. 4) The writers computed the multiple regression equations to both scales in relation to the underlying sociological variables such as age and occupation in order to determine the degree of association between these variables and manifest attitudes. Though the multiple correlation coefficients are not very high, it is demonstrated that occupation and standard of living have been stronger determining factors in politico-economic orientation and age and educational levels stronger determining factors in relationship to authoritarian tendencies.
Secondly, the hierarchical organization of the school must be mentioned. Those apprentice families in which family rank and its hierarchical status come into question are very limited in number in the school. They are direct apprentices belonged to the main master family (soke), and constitute a ruling stratum in the school. There are called “shokubun”. Those who belonged to this category are as follows : 1) Members of hereditary apprentice families of the main master which have been associated with him prior to Meiji Restoration, or kin of the main master family of the “Kanze” school. 2) Those who entered the master family recently as private apprentices and, after a long period of apprenticeship, founded their own families. 3) Infrequently, those who are recognized as being of great merit by the master are raised from lower strata to this category. Most of those other than shokubun are “shihan”, and as they belong to shokubun families, they are twice subordinate, once to the main master and once to the shokubnu. A few of the shihan are intermediate in status between shokubun and shihan, as they may become shokubun in the future, and they are called “quasi-shokubun”. The main differences between these two strata are summarized as follows : 1) The status of shokubun is formally recognized as hereditary, but shihan, as they are not recognized as formal apprentices of the master, have no such guarantee. 2) The right to participate in the management of art performance of the Kanze school is only given to shokubun members. Thus, shihan have few opportunities to participate in performances held under the auspices of the main master family. 3) The right to communicate directly with the main master about the art is only given to shokubun. In case of requests for credentials and right to give performances, instruction in the arts and the utilization of densho (instruction codes), shihan must make these requests through the shokubun to which they belong. Thus, the shihan are extremely limited in their sphere of action and consequently are economically handicapped. The right to communicate directly with the main master is called “Jikibuntsu” (to communicate directly), and is a special privilege of shokubun in the school. For this reason shokubun has sometimes called “Jikibuntsu”. In this sense, shihan are “out-siders” as regards access to the main master. Finally, the problem of the master-apprentice relationship among the members of the school must be treated. As the hierarchical structure suggests, the whole school is composed of the many master-apprentice groups centered around the main master family and shokubun families. Then, to understand the structure and group characteristics of the school, the individual masterapprentice relationships must be understood. In each master-apprentice group, two types of apprenticeship can be distinguished. 1) One is that of those who entered the master's family in early childhood as “living-in” private apprentices and, after long apprenticeship, became independent. They are the so-called “kogai”. 2) The other is that of those who started their art career in adulthood as “amatures” and received their training as “kayoideshi” (living-outapprentice). They are called “chunen-mono”.
This is the second part of a series of reports based on a sampling survey in Tokyo in the summer of 1952. In this part, the strata structure of the large urban community is examined through a study of occupational stratification and mobility. Geographical mobility is also analysed in relation to occupational mobility. Indices used were : (1) place of birth, (2) father's occupation (name, position in job, type of job, and its industrial classification), (3) the place where he had finished compulsory education, (4) educational level, (5) his first job, (6) the place of his first job, (7) the job which he had engaged in immediatelir before coming to Tokyo and its geographical locale, (8) the job after coming to Tokyo, and (9) the age at time of arrival there. At first, strata classification of occupation is discussed. And then the existing classification system of occupation (the classification used at the 1930 Census) is modified and a new system based on eight categories of occupational types is established. Next, the occupational structure of the metropolis is analysed and its characteristics are summarized. Then the population flow of Tokyo is analysed from the point of geographical, generational and age levels. Special emphasis is given to the problem of second and third sons of farmers, that is, what is their position in the existing population structure and from what strata and locality have they come. And the origins of the immigrant and native population of the metropolis is analysed in terms of birth place and occupational strata. Finally, the occupational relationship of generations are treated within each occupational category. Occupational mobility is analysed in terms of generation and temporal changes rather than geographical changes.