Wenn man von der Voraussetzung geht, dass die politische Soziologie der Wissenschaft von der Politik als besonderer Zugang einen wichtigen Erkentnisund Forschungsbeitrag zu liefern hat, ist erstenmal feststellen, dass sie nicht nur als angewandte Allegemeine Soziologie angeschen werden darf. Aber die spezifischen Fragestellungen, von denen sie ausgeht, das Kategoriengerüst, das sie gemeinsam mit der politik-wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen entwickelt, und auch die Methoden, die sie auswahlt, urn die gesteckten Forschungziele zu erreichen, gehen ihr den Charakter einer Speziellen Soziologie.
So ist es doch klar ersichtlich, dass die politische Soziologie als Wirklichkeits-wissenschaft im Sinne H. Freyers und H. Hellers konklete Politische Verhaltnisweisen : politische Machtprozesse, politische Gebilde und politische Gesamtstrukturen im Hinblick auf ihre spezifisch soziologische Bedeutung untersuchen will.
Bietet die politische Soziologie der Wissenschaft von der Politik den Anlass für ihre spezifischen Fragestellungen, für die Richtung ihres wissenschaftlichen Interesses, so verschaft sie ihr die Moglichkeit des Einbaues ihrer empirischen Forschungen in theoretische Beziehungsgeriiste, soweit sie es nicht vorzieht, zur empirischen Forschung ihrer begrenzten Tatsachenfelder “Theorien mitterer Reichweite” (R. Merton) zu entwickeln. Damit wird heute jede Art von “factor-theorizing”. (T. Persons), von Verabsolutierung der determinierenden Wirkung besteimmter Faktoren irn gesellschaftlich-politischen Gesamtzusammenhang abgelehnt.
Das politische Phanomen ist nun aber nicht nur im Hinblick auf seine Stellung und Funktion in diesem politischen Beziehungssystem zu untersuchen. Sobald man einmal das Phanomen als soziologischen Tatbestand einzuordnen versucht, ergibt sich vielmehr ein ganzes Netzwerk von Beziehungen, welche das Untersuchung-sobjekt mit den verschiedenen Elementen der den politischen Systemzusammenhang iibergreifenden gesellschaftlichen Ordnung verbinden.
Unter politischer Ordnung soil aufgefasst werden der Struktur-und Wirkungs-zusammenhang aller die politische Willensbildung und die politischen Entscheidungen in einer differenzierten Gesellschaft beeinflussenden Rechtsnormen, politischen Erfahrungsregeln und Praktiken (Normenbefund), Einstellungen, Verhaltenweisen, Willensregungen und Ideologien (sozialpsychologischer Befund), Institutionen, Gruppen, Gruppengeflechte und politischen Gewalten (soziologischer Befund).
Geht man von der Verhaltnissen eines pluralistischen, demokratisch funktionierenden politischen Systems der organisierten Massengesellschaft aus, so lassen sich etwa die folgenden Elemente der politischen Ordnung begrifflich lokalisieren.
1) Die Verfassung ist of fentlich-rechtliche Basis des politischen Lebens.
2) Die effektiv wirksame Wahlordnung und das System von Praktiken in alien politisch bedeutungsvollen Gremien eine erhebliche Rolle.
3) Es folgen die politisch revant angesehenen Institutionen, Organe des Staates und das Gewalt system.
4) Als politische Integralmittel ist das Parteisystem zur politischen Ordnung ferner zurechen.
5) Neben ihr gehoren die gesellschaftlichen Willensverbande zur Hauptthese.
6) Ausserdem stellen nichtorganisierte gesellschaftliche Macht-Gruppen (Manager, Unter- nehmer, uss. w.)
7) Zur politischen Ordnung ist weiterhin die Organisation des publizistischen Führungsapparates.

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Max Weber recognized the phenomenon of bureaucratization as the inevitable destiny in a modern society, but he also knew well that the social and economic significance of that structure changes in its quality under the concrete historical situations.
He, however, gave so high an application to the technical excellency of bureaucracy that he understood the legal government of bureaucracy as a pression machinery which could serve the politico-economic interests of heterogeneous kinds, as if it being beyond control of socio-economic system.
The connection between the bureaucracy and the historical situations of politics and economics was understood in such a way that the bureaucratic structure, which as itself have the same structure and function under all conditions, could be utilized by the different masters.
The bureaucracy as a model of social technology, however, changes in its internal quality according to the socio-economic system in which it is situated.
We can point out the same tendency about Red Tape' considered as one side of the dysfunctions of bureaucracy.
The bureaucracy, organized in a socio-economic system in capitalism is now being exposed to the hostile opposition and anxiety.
The bureaucratic organization filled with hostility and anxiety makes its dysfunction proliferous among the bureaucrats, and in that result they are inclined to take organizational means for an aim itself.
By the help of demonstrative studies done by P. M. Blan, A. W. Gouldner and others, I proceed with my study on the relations between the dysfunction of bureaucracy and socio-economic system which R. K. Merton left unfinished in his brilliant analysis of 'Bureaucratic Structure and Personality'.

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I Most present cities in Japan were built about 300 years ago (Tokugawa era) by the feudal landlords around their castles. But after the Reformation in Meiji we had two industrial revolutions, and some of these feudal cities changed into modern industrial cities, others were not changed at all. Therefore, Japanese industrial cities are developed either out of the feudal cities, or in the deserted places or very little villages, by the industrial exploitation of the modern capitalism. And these modern cities should be dealt with as the main object of our investigation.
II Three peaks in Japanese urban-sociological works are “On Great Cities in our Time”(19-) by F. Okui, “Urban Sociology” (19-) by E. Isomura, and “Principles of Urban Sociology” (1952) by E. Suzuki. I dealt with them in this paper to derive three fundamental orientations (1. typology of the cities, 2. problems concerning the Japanese capitalistic socio-economic system, 3. Social processes in the city must be grasped in their integrant reality) from the critical analysis of them.
III Cities are usually classified by the criterium how many populations they have. This is a one-side classification. In this paper, I classified 248 cities in Japan, by criterium of the occupation population composition of them. But my central research object is here limited to those 61 cities which contrain 40 or more % of the industrially occupied population (the second industry by C. Clark). Next, I classified these cities into four types by two criterion as follows
A. Those industrial cities which had been only small villages before Meiji era. (Muroran, Hitachi, Kamaishi etc.)
B. Those which had been already cities in feudal age (Yonezawa, Kiryu, Amagasaki etc.)
α. Those industrial cities, the economic process of which are now almost entirely ruled over by one big (a) factory (Kamaishi, Aioi, Yahata etc.)
β. Those, in which plural factories participate competitively or equally in the economic process (Fuse, Nagoya, Seto etc.)
Then, we have four logically constructed types, [Aα] [Aβ] [Bα] [Bβ], of the industrial cities in Japan. Empirically, most industrial cities are either [Aα] or [Bβ] type.
IV Social processes in these industrial cities must in principle be analysed with a view of grasping them (or Community in general) as the territorially localized forms of the Japanese class structure reinforced by the state policy, at the present stage in the development of the capitalistic social system. In particular, the social processes of the [Aα] type cities are grasped as this graphic paradigm.
My hypotheses are as follows :
(1) Economic process of the [Aα] type cities shows the despotic structure [α] factory at the top.
(2) In mediating process, (a) D₁ (α factory managerial stratum), D₂ (Subcontract F. and Commercial Firm owners) are combined in nature, (b) B (α. F. Labor) is in nature proletariat but one as a middle stratum in the city, (c) C (subc. F. Labor, and firm clerks) is also proletariat but as a lower stratum, and shows instable conservative orientations. (A stratum is not analysed here)
(3) Political process of the [Aα] cities will be subcontractual to the [α] Factory, alienating A, B, C strata from the. process.

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The “Wire-Broadcasting” has started from the system in which the members listen into the broadcast program caught by a main receiving apparatus prefered for the speaker at each home in a certain area. In this report, I want to explain the rapid diffusion process of the “Wire-Broadcasting” in farm- mountain- and fishing-villages in Japan and research its social functions by thinking it a great social experiment in a mass-communication process.
1 The Diffusion Process of the “Wire-Broadcasting” in Japan
The system of the “Wire-Broadcasting” was permitted officially at Kimobetu Village in 'Hokkaido', in May, 1943. It is wonderful that the “Wire-Broadcaiting” has become popular in many districts, such as Hokkaido, Kyusyu, ;Tiba, Toyama and other prefectures in the last fifteen years.
It has developed as follows :
1) Experimenting Period (1926-1942)
The “Wire-Broadcasting” was tested primarily as the assisting facilities of the wireless-broadcasting since 1926 in our country.
2) Starting Period (1943-1949)
At Kimobetsu, Hokkaido, since the “Wire-Broadcasting” system was established mainly to remove the technical handicap, they tied to catch the ordinary radio-programs by a excellent main receiving apparatus, and to send them to the speaker fixed at each home. By this system, it became possible to send the radio-broadcasting to non-electric eras.
3) Diffusion Period (1950-1952)
It was the possibility of the “local broadcasting” that caused the diffusion of this system. By the “Wire-Broadcasting” system, it is possible to broadcast the local programs in our community by setting the microphone in the main receiving apparatus. Since about 1950, these broadcasting institutions spread rapidly, especially in Hokkaido and Kyusyu.
4) Developing Period (1953-)
There were 1, 117 “Wire-Broadcasting” institutions and about 193, 000 homes were affilated in them in November, 1953, and each number increased rapidly to 1, 566 and about 360, 000 in 1956. We must especially mention that the “open-telephone-communication-system” had been put into practice untile then. This system means to communicate between the main receiving apparatus and a certain speaker in the joining homes, and all the other speakers can catch the contents of this communication openly. And now, individual “speaker-telephone-system” is also quite common.
2 The Social Functions of the “Wire-Broadcasting”
We cannot say that there are enough data to testify the social functions of the “Wire-Broadcasting” in Japan, because its history is very short. I could find out the social functions of the “Wire-Broadcasting” as follows, through arranging its diffusion steps.
1) Community Organization Function
In either villages or cities, it means forming of a big nervous system in the community that the “Wire-Broadcasting” is established there. Especially in farm- and fishing-villages in Japan, the community organization has become stronger by this sensitive communication media, and naturally some social changes occur in the community. I want to explain this fact by case studies at Itiki Village in Kagoshima Prefecture and others.
2) Social Control Function
The “Wire-Broadcasting” represents the recent tendency of the one side mass-communication. The The joining speakers can not select the program themselves, and one local program is not possible to be listened to by the people in other districts.In U. S. S. R., the receiving system of the “Wire-Broadcasting” is excellent and the force of social control is very powerful.

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Recently Ralf Darendorf published his book “Soziale Klassen and Sozialenkonflikt in der industriellen Gesellschaft”, of which fundamental orientation, that is, problem-consciousness is as follows : not the presence but the absence of conflict is surprising and abnormal, and we have good reason to be suspicious if we find a society or social organization that shows no evidence of conflict. According to him, conflict is ubiquitous, which induces change in social structure, and one of the greatest creative forces that carry along conflict is social classes.
Not to mention, his consideration as such sets up explicitly against Parsons' statement in “The Social System” that this “work consistutes a step toward the development of a generalized theoretical system.” Namely, as an analytical model to grasp social structure, Darendorf presents “conflict model of society” against Parsons' equilibrium or integration of it, in which there seems to be a thought of social structure as a system based on homogeneous value. Yet, democracy admits primarily the possibilities of choice between heterogeneous values.
Resting on the basis of such problem-consciousness, Darendorf begins with the definition of an analytical concept of classes avoilable to approach our modern industrial society. Here, it is worth while to notice that taking over fundamentally tichotomy evolved in Marxian theory of classes he defines the concept of classes not by the economic relations but “Heuschaftverhaltnisse” or the authority-relations. “It is a central thesis of this work, ” he says, that it is possible to overcome Marxian theory of classes, when we substitute the participation in or the exclusion from the positions of authority for the possession or the not-possesion of private property.
Then, Darendorf evolves this dichotomous model of classes into one theory of classes. In order to attain this purpose, it is necessary (1) to define one range of categories, such as social change, social conflict, latent interest and quasi-group, authority and “Herrschaftverband” or corpolate group with authority (as that difficult term has here been translated), (2) to connect these categories in one model of postulates, (3) to state about empirical fields and to formulate empirical hypothese (“Gesetz”) so as to widen this model to one theory. Through such procedure, analytical model will become empirical theory. The theory of classes is always one theory of class-conflict in “Herrschaftverband” and social change. The criterion of this theory lies in the explanation of social change, which is able to reduce to group-conflict within social structure.

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Many scholars (A. Marshall, M. Weber, V. Parete, J. M. Keynes, J. A. Schumpeter) have attempted to integrate theories of economy and society. But these attempts are one-sided approaches either from the economic or from the sociological side and are therefore incomplete. The reason for such lack of success in these attempts at integration was that we did not have any concept to use in bridging the gap between the two. Parsons proposes “a general theory” in “Economy and Society” (1956). This is in verity a “Columbian” attempt. Now let us analyze Parsons' theory. This consists of two main propositions (1) economy is one aspect of society, (2) economy is a system characterized by an interdependency of units in same the manner as is society. It may be said, then, that (3) because economy is a sub-system of society and therefore may be thought of as one function of society we can conclude, (4) that economy is a functional sub-system of society.
Thus we can extract two key concepts. They are :
(1) Distinction between “system” (analytical) and “collectivity” (concrete).
Parsons thinks that society can be divided into system and collectivity. Such a proposition is the starting point of his theory.
(2) Four functional problems.
This concept was elaborated with Bales in their “Working Paper” and was the result of integration of Parsons' “functional problems” (paradigm of motivational process) and Bales' “four system problems.” Its essence, therefore is a process of social control of “deviant action.” Stated in more detail, whenever the stability of a system is disturbed by deviand action, stability is regain by means of social control Parsons and Bales have discerned the follwing dimensions as a result of their analysis of the phases in the process of restoring equilibrium. These four dimensions are adaptive (A), goal-gratification (G), integration (I) and latent pattern maintenance and tension management (L). Then, because the economy performs the adaptive function in society, economy constitutes the adaptive functional subsystem. Parsons analyzes the boundery interchange among these four sub-systems. It may be said that this work of Parsons represents a significant step of progress towards integration of economic and social theory. On the other hand, it should be point out that this theory contains the danger of functional teleology, suffers from the limitations of equilibrium theory, and is very abstruct.

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There are generally two views on the relationship between the urbanization and the local group one is the “classic” view which is represented by Louis Wirth's urbanism theory : it emphasizes the fact of decline or destruction of the local group accompany with the progress of urbanization, the other is the view mainely insisted by some Japanese Urban Sociologists : they are speptic for urban progress and point that in the various actual conditions, “pre-modern” local group is still existing and living upon. I think we, recognizing the later, must notice the bud of more productive and progressive elements. In Japanese cities, so called as “premodern cities, ” urbanization and modernization progress not always parallelly and that forms the originality of Japanese cities. I place the conception of urbanization on the dimention of space, and point out the differentiation of group's function as the main index of it. And also, I place the conception of modernization on the dimension of time, and point out the progress from the “collectivism” to the “indivisualism” as the main index of it.
In this thesis I intend to study several theory types and regard them as work hypothesis of exploring the actual urban local groups by mutual act of urbanization and modernization. As an example I compared Funabashi City, statellic city of Tokyo, with some local middle or small cities.
Main types of the local group's theory and their explanation are as following.
I “Tradition-type” local group.
“Tradition-type” local groups are mainely formed of local middle or small cities which are cities in legal but not cities in sociology. These cities are mostly primary local community and basing on the traditions, have the compulsion to all inhabitants. They sometimes provide the daily or material life of dwellers and restrain them as “murahachibu”. The models of these local groups are observed in middle or small city which have weak basises of industrial construction, as Shimada City or Yonezawa City.
II “Conflicting-type” local group.
With the progress of urbanization, tradition-type is destroyed by degrees and new type of local group is formed for it. In the new type cities, modernization- establishment of individual subjectivity and spontaneity-is so uncomplate that these cities reverse or are intending to reverse to near the old type. We named this type “Conflicting-type” local group. We can see this type in many local groups of Japanese cities.
III “Independent-type” local group
With the progress of urbanization and modernization, individuals become to be beyond old local groups control, They create or join for themselves the formal or informal group, that is “Independent-type” local group. Generally modern community has two characteristics : (a) free joining and defection, esteeming initiative of individuals' own, (b) having a limited objective function. “Independent-type” local group seems to have these two conditions, so we can call it one of the modern communities. In Funabashi City which is our example city, we regarded the local group of this type, for example, Mitahama women's Society, Hanawa Women's Society, Shinwa Women's Society, Funabashi Western Women's Society Nobara Group, Wakakusa Group etc.
In these circle it is not the bread-winner of family but the younger wives that have initiativity in their groups. I think this fact present many interest problems to the future study of urban locol group.

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