In this paper, I shall consider Max Weber's Sekte theory, which appears in his works on the sociology of religion, as the study of the subject of social revolution, and make clear its character. (Following Weber's meaning, I use not the American concept of sect but the German concept of Sekte, and use “Sekte” in the more narrow sense of the word.)
“Sekte” is the congregation resting on the basis of the “beliebers' church” principle. It ideally hearkens to the very root of mankind, and it is capable of influencing the “surrounding society” in a revolutionary way. Weber emphasizes that it was the self-confidence of the sect and the necessity of proof being worthy of it (one must prove one's religeous qualification before God and, in fact, before the “Sekte” members) that made “Sekte” members keep their religious and social belief. We can see that Weber evaluated highly the function of the “Sekte”, relating idea (belief) with indivisual inner psychological interest.
Neither the political sect which Coser analized nor the Pharisaisme Sekte stands upon the true root of mankind as conceptualized in Weber's term “Liebesakosmismus”. Nevertheless they influence (or influenced) the “surrounding society” in a revolutionary way, as a result of the very fact of being sepalate from it, maintain their own beliefs and style of action, and keep up their antagonism to the “surounding society”. But if the Sekte cut itself off too completely, its influence falls to very little. We can see such a :ase in the Amish Mennonite sect in Pennsylvenia.

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According to Parsonian point or view, we can designate a given set of interactions as a social system in so far as statistical uniformities and orderliness or factual orders observable in that interaction process are, at the same time, normative orders which effectively control actions of persons interacting. Apparently, the concept of the social system just defined implies by definition the tendency for the gratification-deprivation dimension and the conformity-alienation dimension in the interaction process to coincide to a lesser or greater degree. Judging from this reason, it should be clear that Parsonian concept of the social system is a conceptual scheme appropriately called “the institutionally integrated social system”.
Then, we can assume that structures of the social system in the above sense consist of the following two types of interdependent roles-complex. One is that of networks of institutionalized roles interlocked by interactions, and the other is that of patternconsistently organized role systems or institutions. In addition, it is also assumed that institutions are differentiated into recruitment, relational and regulative institutions.
On the basis of the above preliminary conceptual clarification, it follows that the normative regulation of recruitment and allocation of personnel to roles is the prerequisite for the establishment of the distributive order of social resources at the societal level which in turn makes possible the compatibility (peaceful coexistence) of members under the condition of scarce social resources. It should be recalled that the distributive order is not anything but normative order, the change of which in auy direction is possible only if the resistance of vested interests is successfully overcome.

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In this paper, we attempt to construct a hypothetical model about the socialization process in the family applying the structural-functional theory. The socialization as a interaction process is considered to be the mutual and longitudinal process. And this process is conceptualized by role-developmental terms.
In the hypothetical model, family socialization process is divided into two analytical process ; role-negotiation process and role-realization process. The three key elements in this model are role-expectation, role-conception and role-behavior.
On the one hand, the family as a whole expects socializee to perform hi: family member's roles deriving from the tasks of satisfying the functiona requisites of the family as a social system. The contents of this task shift from stage to stage throughout the entire family life cycle. This tasks a any given stage in the family life cycle are considered to be the family developmental tasks.
On the other hand, the individual as a socializee expects himself t actualize his own roles such as congruent to his role-conception which derive from the tasks of gratifying the personal needs as a personality system. Th contents of this tasks shift from stage to stage throughout the individual life cycle. We call these changing tasks the individual developmental task.
After the contents of role-s are negotiated between role-expectation an role-conception, role-behaviour is realized.
These assumption enable us to construct the ihterrelational model of the family socialization process consisting of the three key concepts (Figure 2). And theoretically, relative congruency or discrepancy among the three key concepts divide this model into five typological forms (Figure 3). And then, we assume that these five family socialization types become the phases of longitudinal process through the family life cycle stages. The possible phasemovement as typelinkages are theoretically four patterns (Figure 4). These four family socialization patterns are divided into two adaptive socialization patterns and two selfinitiated socialization patterns.
After attempting the model building, we consider the relation between the family life cycle and the family socialization patterns, and also consider the typelinkage variation of the adaptive socialization pattern (Figure 5).

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The main findings of existing studies on indigenization of Christianity in Japanese rural communities are summarizied in the following two propositions :
1) Only when Christianiy has been accepted as a religion for ie or household rather than that for individuals, it becomes firmly established in a rural community, and
2) Christianity tends to be most easily and deeply affected by ancessor veneration, of which fortress is the household Buddhist altar.
Existing studies, however, failed to employ a clearly defined analytical framework and systematic data gathering techniques such as questionnaire administration. They were based mainly on observation and interviewing.
In this paper, I reformulate the propositions and treat them as mutually related ones on transformation of religion. I set up my analytical framework as follows :
Transformation of a religion is any change in its distinctive patterns which may be classified into : (1) central patterns and (2) peripheral ones. Changes in the former may be called changes in substance, and those in the latter changes in forms. Change in the transcendental concept of God is an example of the substance change, while that in the unit of religious membership is an instance of the form change. Christianity is ideally a religion with a monotheisticuniversalistic concept of God and the principle of individualistic religious membership. By definition, the form change does not include any change in a belief system. On the contrary, the substance change means any change in a belief system itself. When Christianity is accepted in a Japanese rural community, it is almost unavoidable that its form undergoes change. Christianity retains its identity, so long as the change is confined to the aspect of form.
Now, did any changes occur to Christianity in Shimo-Fukuda? If any, then, are the changes “form changes” or “substance changes.”? This is the question which the present paper attempts to answer.
Following are the main findings of my research study :
1) Christianity in Shimo-Fukuda was accepted by ie or households and kept from generation to generation, rather than by individuals. Therefore, it has undergone a form change.
2) Christian households in Shimo-Fukuda can be classified into (1) households with a Buddhist altar, (2) ones with a substitute for Buddhist altar, and (3) ones without any. Christian belief of the members of the first category has undergone a greatest substance change, and that of the second category a modest substance change, while that of the third category a least change. The extent of intensity of their consciousness on ancestor veneration is also significantly related to three categories of the households in the same sequence.
3) The statements above prove that ancestor veneration is the prime factor to modify the central elements of Christianity.
In conclusion, I can maintain that the restated two propositions are verified by the findings which I obtained through my field research.

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We can distnguish two types among the “interdisciplinary” sciences.
The first types are such kinds of studies which analyze a certain subject from several different traditional points of viewe. The first type can safely be illustrated by “urbanology”. Urbanologists used to analyze urban phenomena from the stand points of urban sociology, urban geography, urban economics, urban history, etc.
Indeed urbanology is interdisciplinary in a certain sense, but methodological integration of scinces mentioned above is not yet complete. The creation of “urbanological method itself” is still under discussions. It is not exageration to say urbanology today is mere an omnibus of traditional sciences.
Urbanology today and several another sciences, whose subjects are clear but their proper methodologies are not nccessarlly clear, constitute the first type or primary stage of “interdisciplinary” sciences. The relation between traditional sciences and the primary “interdisciplinary” sciences is shown on Tab. 1, the traditionals on X coordinates, the “interdisciplinaries” on Y coordinates.
The second sorts of “interdisciptionary” sciences are such that argue on the so called “non-linear” phenomena. The distinction between “linear” and “non-linear” is shown on Tab. 2. Any argument on “ non-linear” phenomenon is impossible without adsquate integration of traditional methods which have long been treating “linear” systems.
And, as is well known, almost all the phenomena on the earth are the “non-linears”. Almost, all the scientists must treat “non-linear” phenomena. So it is the second type that can be regarded as “true” or more useful “interdisciplinary” science. (Even urbanology has to aim to cease to be the first type and to secure itself being the second type.)Obviously, the integral application of several traditional methodology is a hard work. How can we do our duties of methodological integration ? Remember there is hardly any science that have no concern with human beings or human behaviours. The common consciousness of almost all the scientists is that human beings exist, do something and have changed their surroundings.
Every behaviour of human beings is itself a “non-linear” phenomenon. Observations on human behaviours or the effects left by human behaviours teach us how to deal with “non-linear” systems. Here we can find out the way to integrate several traditional sciences into a true “interdisciplinary” science.
For the sociological studies, human ecology is not only an authodox contribution owing Park Burgess, etc., but also a key-word which leads sociologists to the “interdicsiplinary” studies.

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