Most of the rural communities in Hokkido were formed during the years from 1890 to 1920's, when people from all parts of Japan (NAICHI) migrated into Hokkaido at the rate 10, 000 to 260, 000 households a year. This means that, every year, 0.10% to 0.24% of all the households in Japan immigrated to Hokkado, and 20% to 60% of these migrating households were engaged in farming. Though they did not have neighboring, personal, and or face-to-face relationship with each other, these immigrants formed social relations and social organizations whose unit was each household as IE.
From this fact, we can hypothesize about the rural society in the main land Japan (NAICHI) that the were conditions, both outside and inside of each BURAKU, which made people leave their BURAKU with the whole family and quit farming. Some people chose to, and others were forced to leave their BURAKU : and some of these people migrated into Hokkaido.
I. In Japan, total arable land was 5, 060, 000 CHO in 1900 and 6, 080, 000 CHO in 1920. During these years, the farming population decreased from 16, 840, 000 to 14, 120, 000 ; the number of farming households increased slightly to 5, 480, 000 in 1920. Let us compare the number of farming households and the mean of arable land per a farming household in 1890 and 1920. In 1920 the total number of farming households in each prefecture was 80% to 130% of that in 1890. The number decreased in more that half of the prefectures. The mean of arable land per a farming household in eace prefecture in 1920 was 80% to 160% of that in 1890. In more than half of the prefectures the mean increased. Thus, with the improvement of agricultural technology, there were many cases that farmers left their BURAKU with the whole family.
II. The productivity and stability of rice prodution increased with the improvement of agricultural technology. In 1990's this cased reduction and break down of such type of land holding that landlords themselves cultivate some part of their own land besides renting -ZINUSHI-TEZUKURI KEIEI-. This trend is one of the conditions which brought about the situation described in I.
Immigrants to Hokkaido came from all parts of Japan ; among them many came from TOHOKU and HOKURIKU regions, where only rice was produced, at a higher rate especially during the years from 1905 to 1920's. The number of households immigrated from the prefectures of these regions, from 1892 to 1922, amounted to 60% of all the households immigrated to Hokkaido during these years. Most of the BURAKU in these prefectures were under the domination of “huge” landlords who owned 100 CHO to 1, 000 CHO -KYODAI ZINUSHI. Rapid technological innovation which took place in these BRRAKU gave rise to the domination of these absentee, huge landlords, while the smaller landlords who lived within ruined. The absentee, huge landlords managed to tenants through land agents -SAHAI or TEDAI. The relationship between the landlord and the tenat came to be impersonal, non-neighboring, and to have the nature of contract. Both on the side of landlords and the tenants, there were motives which caused severe competition of selecting tenants to survive in the BURAKU. As its result, some of the tenants increased their land, and others left BURAKU and or farming, so did the ruined, smaller landlords too. Part of these people migrated into Hokkaido.

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以上において、根場部落における同族組織と親族組織を検討したが、最後に簡単な要約をもって結語にかえたいと思う。
根場部落における同族関係は本家が直接・間接の分家を包摂するほど発達した同族団に展開しなかった。同族関係はかなりはやくから水平的な結合関係に変化し、先祖を共通にするという意識にもとずいた同族神祭祀や先祖祭りを中心とした固有の儀礼的な交際を持続してきている。
そこで、日常的な交誼や協力関係は、オヤコ、とりわけイチオヤコの間において展開している。イッケシュが日常的な交誼や協力のあるいは家族行事へ参上する場合には、オヤコ関係のいくつかの段階区分に一定のきまった地位(多くの場合、イトコないしイトコナミ)を与えられて参与している。イッケシュをオヤコ関係のうちへとりいれて日常的な社会関係を展開している事実は、性質を異にする複数の集団や組織の存在を調整する処置であると考えられる。キンジョやオヤブンをもこの関係に組入れていることは、この事実を証明するものであろう。したがって、オヤコ関係は部落内の家と家との関係ないし瀋密度を表現する意義をももった親族組織であるといえよう。このことからも根場におけるオヤコ関係が決して同族関係の解体にともなって機能を顕在化するにいたったのでないことが理解されるのである。

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To make a sociological and clarifying explanation of a fishing village, We shall have to take into consideration not only a “village” itself but “fishery.”The author has made a fishing village on South coast of Hokkaido an object of his study and made researches on the fact that the social structure of the village has undergone changes with those of the bases of its production and so a family, fundamental unit of community, has moved of its from and socio-economic status.
During the periods 19551965, the fishey of the village has remarkably changed There, motorization of fishing boat and emplyment for mother ship-fishery (Salmon, Trout, Crab, etc.) were very maintaining the bases of the community.
The social structure of the village, accompanying with the change, especially socio-economic status of a family has largely moved. By the spread of a fishing motor boar in the village, the bosses of fishermene(Senshu and Amimoto), traditionally have been depending on inner-village for the fisning employee, have fallen of their status. Otherwise, together with removal of the lower status, the constitution of the socio-economic status in the village was changed for flat and the social regulation is relaxing gradually.
The classification of family patterns in the fishing were divided into 13 types Through the processes of their changes, has been found a lineal cycle.
The movements of the socio-economic status of family were arranged into 3 patterns : ascending, descening and medium. And has studied of the causes of the movements.

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The sociological theory of industrial relations has become important for the study of human aspects of industrialization and urban industrial societies. The main problem is now the way to gain industrial democracy and the way to find methodology for grasping special or synthetic concept about industrial relations.
Industrialism brought forth employer-employee relations, technological development and changes of organization. Traditionalism was gradually destroyed in some factors of per-industrial communities. The paper deals with some changing elements, social and organizational, which make up the historical patterns of industrial relations systems. Those are ideologies of management, personalities of the workers social relations of industry and the community, and finally the technical patterns of industrial organization.
These factors in modern society originate from the structure of traditional communities. The traditionalism is, however, to be conquered by industrialization, urbanization, reactions of trade unionism as well as innovations. Thus the way to industrial democracy is oriented to the denial of this traditionalism.
This study provides a perspective that brings better understanding to and reseach method for this field, introducing a comparative case study of two industries in Hokkaido.

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