The Meiji Restoration in 1868 emancipated Japan from feudal estate system. It is well known that the new Meiji government endevored to dissolve the discrimination based on feudal estate system and more than ninety percent of the total population was made to be equal, social as well as legally, although not economically, within a relatively short time. However, our nation-wide sample survey of 1965, which offers us for the first time after 1904 figures concerning to population distribution of Samurai descendants and commoners, revealed that substantial difference between Samurai descendants and commoners still exists. The proportion of Samurai descendants occupying the higher position in occupation, education, and income is larger than that of commoners, although the differences are smaller in the present generation than in the preceding ones. Why does social superiority, although not outstanding, of Samurai descendants still exist after one handred years since legal discrimination was abolished ? The answer would be divided into two parts. The first part of my answer is that any revolutionary social change cannot entirely destory the old social class structure immediately, and this might be applied to the Meiji Restoration. Let us assume that intergenerational mobility makes a Markov chain with two stages, high and low statuses : and that the above transition probability matrix P works commonly in Samurai descendants and in commoners after modern revolution like the Meiji Restoration. It is demonstrated according to the property of the regular Markov chain that if the proportion of an estate occupying the higher position is larger than that of the other estates in the initial stage of a Markov chain, the difference does not vanish within a few stages, although it reaches null after enough many stages. The second part of the answer is that the transition probability matrix P is not common in Samurai descendants and in commoners, but the matrix is more advantageous for Samurai descendants than for commoners. Our sample survey conducted in 1964 in Tokyo revealed percentages of mobility-oriented responses to various kinds of attitude questions and scales by the distinction of Samurai descendants and commoners, taking account of the influence from present occupation. One can say through sign test that Samurai descendants are statistically significantly more mobility-oriented than commoners.
In this paper, the process of generation of workers is analysed about women workers SHOKUGYO-FUJIN, (such as telephon operators, shop girls at large shops, office girls and typists). Quality and quantity of the demand for workers change following economic change, that is to say, when business organization including its status role system changes, the number of workers demanded and distribution of workers among works change and positions which bear quite new works appear. When the change of quality and quantity in the demand for workers, the total society, is great, people who have not yet been the object of employment often appear at labor market. In this case, the status and role, especially, in the family, which they have had till then change very much, and so, friction grow. In this paper, the object of such analysis is SHOKUGYO-FUJIN who emerged during the post-WWI. It was after WWI when the term SHOKUGYO-FUJIN came to be used, which conoted the women workers of a new type though the range was not so clear. The emergence of SHOKUGYO-FUJIN was a subject of argument in the way different from the case of women laborers of older days. The primary question about SHOKUGYO-FUJIN was whether it is appro priate for a woman to have a professions ; While the argument had centered around the working condition and the protection of maternity in the case of women laborers. Economic development during the post-WWI period brought about great change in business organization. Official department expanded both in each company and in total society, and structure of office changed. The emergence of SHOKUGYO-FUJIN was the result of the demand for workers of a new type following such changes. It also meant the new appearence of middle-class women to labor market. That is, women laborer had come mostly from poor farming family and women of middle-class had not been the object of employment. Now, the family institution of Japan idealised women as RYOSAI-KEMBO (good wife-wise mother) and limited the activities of women within the household. RYOSAI-KEMBO was the very norm to regulate the behavior of women in the middle and upper class. It was deviation from RYOSAI-KEMBO that women went into the work. The norm for middle class women which accept to go into the work was not completed. So, the argument was raised concerning justice of the emergence of SHOKUGYO-FUJIN.
Though psychoanalytic theories of W.R. Bion and F. Redl are significant contributions to the depth theory of group, they might not be self-sufficient from the sociological point of view, because of its negligence of cultural relativity. Present paper examine some aspects of interpersonal relations in Japanese group in terms of mother-child relationship as proto-experience. And we discussed that generalistic theories elaborated by Bion, Parsons, et al. seemed to have background of Western individualistic culture. Conceptions of Japanese mother that she finds herself worth living in her little child and the grown up child takes her in his achivement motivation makes application of self -collectivity-orientation dichotomy difficult. We proposed, so to speak, “other involving orientation” besides them. We also reconstructed, in social context, the concept of “amae” which was discovered by Dr. Takeo Doi and elaborated as a key concept of understanding Japanese personality. Amae is primary socialized in the mother-child relations and restricts later modes of intimate personal relationship. Weakening of the instrumental leader, substantialization of expressive sub-leader, and loosening of group norm or discipline, etc. could be explained in terms of mother-child coalition and amae. Amae is an expression of group emotion but it must not be reduced into “paring assumption” of Bion, for it is permeated fully by particularistic Japanese culture. Sociological deep analysis of group should take up such meeting area of implicit culture and emotional aspect of group.
In August, 1967, our research group which was composed of eleven members headed by Syoichi Nakamura carried on a research about the actual conditions and opinions of the inhabitants of Airin Area (Kamagasaki) in Osaka. We picked up spots by replicated sampling design and interviewed all the adults, when possible, living there. We could employ family or person as a sampling unit instead of spot, but in the case of Airin Area research based on the registered records, which are usually used for the frame of the population in this sampling unit, such as resident registration cards or lists of voters filed at the ward offices would produce a considerable divergence to the reality. Building was another sampling unit we considered. But to make sure the unit, it would be necessary passable preparatory research because we didn't have any sufficient maps to be based on. And that there left some problems in practicing the method, and after all we decided to employ spot as the sampling unit. We had already considered random sampling of spots in 1959 when we had researched Airin Area for the first time. At that time, we selected the typical spots and tried to define the characteristics of the spots. After that collection of data on each problem followed, but the sampling research of the inhabitants all over the area had not been done. Sampling of the spots were performed as follows. First, we drew parallel lines horizontally and vertically at intervals of 5 millimeters on the maps (1 : 1500, published by Japan Resident Association 'Nihon Jutaku Kyokai') of seven selected towns, smoothening the circumferences, and got 4982 cells. Then we devided these cells into 50 zones, each of which contained 100 cells. From each zone we picked up 10 sub-samples by random sampling. We employed this method (1) because estimation of standard errors was easy, and (2) because in the case of cutting the personnel or accidental interruption of the reseach, this research would not lose the significance as a sampling tecnique itself. We got the result that the number of families was 1.52 times as much as the registered records and the population 1.62 times. But this research resulted static because the time control of the sampling was insufficient for the mobile subject like the inhabitants of Airin Area.