Confucian morals in early modern Japan expounded the doctrine that there existed an absolute distinction as great as that between heaven and earth between husband and wife, and parents and child. Furthermore, they were qualitatively different, i.e., the husband was compared to the difference between “on” and “yo” the negative-female and positive-male elements in the universe, concepts of fundamental importance in Confucian doctrine. But this meant nothing other than that the husband had superior status. Accordingly, wife who was inherently inferior was required to be absolutely obedient to her husband who was inherently superior. This principle held true even if the husband were completely unreasonable in his conduct or demands.
According to this doctrine husband and wife should be in accord with each other, and it was agreed that husband and wife were like a single body. But these were not doctrines proclaiming equality ; on the contrary, they rested upon the principle of cooperation between superior and inferior. The feudal morals governing the husband-wife relationship did not set a high value on mutual love perse.
Buddhist doctrine makes a similar qualitative distinction between husband and wife or male and female. This Buddhist concept widely held and served reinforce the Confucian concept of female inferiority.
The obedience of wife to her husband was regarded as one of “three obediences” (i. e. in childhood woman should obey her parents ; in marriage her husband; in old age her son). This lead to the view of woman as legally incompetent and denied her any moral autonomy.
Although obedience of the wife was required, when her husband's parents were alive, this duty was subordinate to that of obedience to his parents. In this sense obedience to the husband was not absolute duty. The paramount feudal moral principle was that of filial duty.

抄録全体を表示

By propaganda, we mean those human activities that are carried on with the intension of directing man's behavior towards a given aim or goal by the use of certain symbols or signals.
Advertising is, in this sense, a species of propaganda which has as its aim the acquisition of economic profit through the promotion of a certain commercial product. But in this study, advertising and propaganda in the strict sense has been distinguished, the latter is to be understood as activity whose function is more latent or less intentional than the former.
Etymologically speaking, the word propaganda was already used early in the Christian era. The word became popular, however, in the latter part of 19th century, through its intensive use as a tactical term by Communist militants.
The more ideologies and interests clash, as they increasingly do in modern society, the greater in the need for propaganda as a means of attaining political and cultural ends.
It is to be noted that the influence of propaganda in daily life has increased greatly with the advent of mass communication, such as newspapers, radio, television, movies etc. Furthermore, it should be noted that large enterprises now monopolize the means of mass communication in society. Thus propaganda is utilized by those holding political party as a means of maintaining social order.

抄録全体を表示

This article discusses the method of analysis of social structure, one of the most important problems in general sociology. Prof. Robert M. MacIver's important contributions in this field are analyzed as they appear in such works as : Community 1917, Elements of Social Science 1921, Society, its Structure and Changes 1931, Society, an Introductory Analysis 1949 (with Prof. Charles H. Page) and so on.
1. Following Ratzenhoher Prof. MacIver calls the motive forces of human conducts interests and classifies them from the standpoint of social relationships. He bases his analysis of social structure upon them.
2. He classifies the major types of social groups of a whole social structure from the standpoint of the range and nature of interests involved and the degree of groups organization as follows; (1) communities (tribe, country, city, nation etc.), (2) more or less spontaneous configurations responsive to various interests that develops within the community (social class, ethnic or racial groups, crowd), (3) associations (family, club, church, trade union, school, state etc.).
3. He also classifies these associations in accordance with many specific interests which they serve.
This article attempts a critical evaluation of these classifications. It is to be noted that the concepts of social relationships in his sociology include interests. On this point Prof. MacIlver's Sociology differs from G. Simmel's “Formal Sociology” in Germany.

抄録全体を表示

This is an analysis of the kinship group structure which focuses upon “kinship association”. It is based on materials from a field survey at Osori District, a mountain village of Izu Peninsula, Shizuoka Prefecture. Such a small village was selected for study because it was expected that it could be possible to depict a model type of this sort of group structure of its geographical setting.
The main problem is to analyse the differences between fixed and fluid patterns of group structure and the gaps between formality and informality of the behavior of its members. In controlling for some basic social factors, differences in the range of inter-marriage areas, positions in social strata, and age, educational level, and social aquaintancies were determined. Analysis on the basis of these factors leads to the following conclusions :
(1) At present, the extended kinship group has lost most of its institutional functions. Its members have two types of consciousness : one dominated by blood relations, the other controlled marriage relations. (2) In each type of these types, there can be seen two distinct pattern of kinship relations, formal and informal. (3) In the informal pattern of kinship relations, there is no observable difference in the intensity of conservatism between blood and marriage types. (4) But the marriage type reveals more frequent conflicts between modern and traditional ideas of appropriate life patterns.
These results are based on statistical operations, but, giving undue weight to that which is merely statistical, these statistical results need more careful sociological interpretation.

抄録全体を表示

The production center of Banshu hand-made somen (Japanese vermicelli) is in the suburbs of Tatsuno City in Hyogo Prefecture. The industry developed here because of a combination of excellent raw materials and suitable weather conditions.In its origin, this industry was imported by immigrant workers from Settsu Districts during Bunsei Era (1818-1829). After the Meiji Restoration (1868), protected by the government as native industry, it rapidly developed, and at its peak before W. W. II, its annual output was 1, 000, 000 boxes. After the war owing to a scarcity of materials, production greatly decreased. Recently, as control of wheat was abolished, its production rapidly increased, and this year, its output is estimated to be 200, 000 boxes. The basis of the vermicelli industry is the milling industry. Of late, water-milling is being replaced by electric milling. Thus the personality and technical skill peculiar to water-milling is rapidly disappearing. Nevertheless, the so-called feudalistic character of labour in the milling industry still remains. The vermicelli industry of this district is not organized along modern lines. It is domestic industry performed by the farmers as a supplementary means of employments. Its peculiar characteristics can be understood, if we examine the capital structure, the size of the plants, the number of employees and daily output per a plant (i. e. per a family). For example, the average daily output of the vermicelli makers who borrow materials from the water-milling capitalists is only 1.9 boxes. The number of employees averages 2.9, as the average daily output per a worker is 160 bundles of vermicelli. Production of this small scale in the Banshu District accounts for 60% of the production in all Japan. The total number of makers in this district is about 500.
What is most interesting to us is the labour structure within the vermicelli industry. It is more feudalistic than that of the water-milling industry. Cheap wages, heavy labour, and apprentice-system-these features which are far remote from the modern labour practices still remain in this industry. Consequently, after the war, young people have become unwilling to enter this industry, and take employment in the heavy industrial district near Himeji instead. Therefore, the vermicelli industry is finding it difficult to recruit apprentices who will maintain this industry.
The vermicelli manufactured in this district is called “hand-made vermicelli of Banshu”, because its production process almost wholly consist of the work of kneading and stretching the wheat powder by hand. This process begins in the early morning and continues until mid-night, sometimes even until the next morning, and the whole process of manufacturing from raw material to the finished product takes 1.5 days.
With the development of machine-made production of vermicelli after the war, the hand-made vermicelli industry of Banshu District is in an acute state of crisis.

抄録全体を表示