本研究は, 31年以降の泉南タオルエ業=中小零細工業の展開を地域(泉佐野市を中心に)との関連で考察したものである. I. タオルエ業は設備制限下に活況を呈し, 6年には約5割の織機の増設が許可された.泉佐野市のタオルエ場数は, 31年の176から39年の260へと急増した.タオル工業は近代化業種に指定され,近代化が要請されている. II. 泉佐野市の工業は,量的に拡大し,大・独占資本への従属を深めた.工場誘致条例はタオルエ業にとっては直接関係のないものであった.
III. (1) 小零細タオル工場の群生.農地転用の進展及び玉葱作の不安定性を主要因として,上層農家の家族労働による「タオルエ業+農業」の形態での創業が多く見られた. (2) 小零細工場の多くは,農業を兼営し,土地売却金の事業資金化・自己所有農地の工場敷転用・農協よりの資金借入・農業自給生産に依存している. (3) タオル企業間の下請関係は非常に少ない.企業は次の階層に区分される.小生産者的経営(ほぼ織機10台以下に相当)約190, 前者の性格を残す小資本家的経営 (10～20台)約120, 資本家的経営 (21台以上)約80工場. (4) 紡績資本の系列化は上層工場に見られるが,製品・生産構造の点から今治タオル工業におけるほどではない. (5) 近代化は主として借入金に依存し, 31台以上の上層工場を中心に行なわれている.小零細工場のほとんどは近代化よりとり残されている.
IV. (1) 泉南地方には,新中卒者の著しい流入が見られ,その多くが大工場に雇用されている. (2) タオルエ業においては,小零細工場は主として労働者家庭の中高年女子を,上層工場は主として地元外新卒者を雇用している. (3) タオルエ業の労働条件は他工業と比べて悪く,労働力不足対策・不況対策として改善されたが,未組織の下での時間給低賃金・長時間労働が一般的である.この条件がタオル工業の重要な基盤である.

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The writer showed in Part I that regional characteristics of pearl culture include regional divisions of its stages and processes. Actually regional patterns consist of this regional division and the traditional conditions in various fishing villages. In this paper, the writer analizes the processes of acceptance of pearl culture in a new location under those conditions.
The general postwar trend in number of pearl rafts shows a steady growth in all districts. About ten years ago a great expansion of rafts in suitable areas of southwest Japan took place because of maximum intensification in Mie Prefecture. At that time almost all districts were monopolized by Mie people. However, recently local pearl culturists have begun to develop along those coasts. As a result almost all newly developed coasts also have begun to show intensification. Available areas for pearl culture have become gradually more limitted. 88.6% of available bays and inlets in all prefectures, according to the national statistics of 1964 are already in use, prefectures with under 50% utilization are only three, Ishikawa, Shimane and Saga. No unused area remains in Hyogo, Hiroshima, Kanagawa, Shizuoka, Fukuoka and Miyazaki.
Such development to pearl culture by both local and outside prefectural culturists have led prefectural government to introduce controls to protect local culturists. Many prefectures have begun to adopt restrictive policies to protect their own enterprises. 12 of 24 prefectures which have pearl farms have some form of such restriction.
In prefectures with pearl farms where all grades of pearls can be cultured, strong restrictions are imposed on culture of oysters from other prefectures. For example, in Nagasaki Prefecture, the authorities have taken measures to restrict movement of oyster rafts and of entrepreneurs from other prefectures into Nagasaki Prefecture. Therefore, culturists from Mie have declined rapidly in recent years, from 10 in 1963 to one 1965. On the other hand local culturists increased from 129 to 201 during the same years.
However, in areas requiring seasonal transfer between cool and warm water, it is rather difficult to protect local pearl enterprises. Generally speaking, in Setouchi Districts pearl culture in supported by culturists from Mie and other prefectures permission must be given them to culture in Setouchi areas in return for use of warm water in their prefectures. As a result protections of local pearl enterprises is different from Nagasaki. Authorities of prefectures along Setouchi Coasts are obliged to permit expansion of Mie and other prefecturel people in order to develop local pearl enterprises. In such case development of local pearl culture can be accomplished only with cooperation of other prefectures. Protective measures thus become more difficult than in prefectures such as Nagasaki were transfer of rafts is not necessary. Therefore, in the Setouchi areas many pearl enterprises from other prefectures still remain.
Setouchi culturists had various kinds of jobs before joining pearl culture. They were ordinary fishermen, farmers, merchants etc. Many of them at first cultured pearls as a side job, but now some of them have become full time culturists. For example, in Okayama Prefecture, all of local culturists have side jobs of growing oysters for food, but in Kagawa Prefecture, of a total of 21 local culturists, four are full time culturists. In Hiroshima Prefecture, only three of total of 29 are locally owned, of these three, two are full time culturists while one cultures oysters for food as a side job.
In Nagasaki Prefecture, culturists with no side jobs totaled 139 in 1965, part time culturists numbered 62. They at first started as small scale enterprises, but have increased their scale of management gradually and become stable. Therefore, they are changing their form of enterprise from individual to joint stock company, although their capital is not so large.

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日高山地はかつて密林におおわれた未開の頃,狩猟土人は鹿の通路と河谷と峠の自然通路を利用したが,これを辿って先づ砂金採取の和人が入り,次いでクルミ材を求める人々が入った.開拓者入植後は地域開拓の必要上自然通路を基にして漸次技術を加え南北縦貫の道路が整備された.これが近年は国道に昇格し日高町から金山・富川の各地にバスを通じ鉄道と接続している
山地横断道路としての日高・清水線は既に完成し,日高・夕張線は1966年着工した.
鉄道は南から北に向つて日高町まで縦貫線が延び,将来は金山で根室本線に接続が予定され,東西横断路線の建設も決定している.
このように道路・鉄道共に縦貫横断路線の発達は道央と道東,道北と道南の距離を短縮し結合を深め北海道の開発に寄与する所大である.

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