In recent years, social care institutions for children in Japan have changed to foster an aid-requiring child who is without guardian or for whom the custody of his/her guardian is found inappropriate in more family-like environments. Family homes were institutionalized in 2009 to promote care service at home. Caregivers of family homes welcome children entrusted by child guidance centers and care for them like family members. The number of family homes increased from 222 entrusted children in 49 family homes in 2009 to 1, 454 in 347 family homes in 2017.

 A questionnaire research was conducted to comprehend the current national status of family homes from the perspective of living conditions and spatial structures. The questionnaires were distributed to 216 family homes and collected from 106 of them (collection rate was 49%). The findings indicate the following:

 1. Four to six entrusted children and two caregivers live in each family home.

 2. Many family homes are managed independently by caregivers in their own or used buildings, which were renovated for providing care services.

 3. Common areas, including the living room and dining room, are often used as a basic space for residents to get together. In terms of age structure, in homes with high ratio of entrusted children aged 0 to 6 years, children spend a considerable amount of time with caregivers in common areas. In homes with entrusted children aged 13 years and more, children stay in common areas to adjust their psychological distance from other residents.

 4. As entrusted children get older, they tend to use children’s rooms more often to study and be alone during their free time. However, some entrusted children aged 7 to 12 years invite caregivers into their rooms.

 5. Family homes can be classified into four types by residential density: under 19, 19 to 22, 23 to 27, and 28 or more square meters per resident. Family homes with less than 19 square meters per resident frequently have a high ratio of common areas compared with the entire building. As a result, common areas tend to be a one-room space, with the size and number of children’s rooms being insufficient. In cases of low residential density, some family homes’ common areas include an enclosed living room or dining room and others have dual common areas. As the common areas may be moderately separated, each resident’s territory is secure.

 It is difficult for visually handicapped people to recognize spaces and their position in circular structures. They often have accidents or lose their way in such situations. In my previous studies, I found that they not only lost their way but also were not safe around circular structures. Therefore, I surveyed the spatial cognition of visually handicapped people walking outside circular structures. In this study, in order to clarify the spatial cognition of the visually handicapped and the characteristics of their search behavior, experiments were carried out by producing 4 kinds of model structures of circular plan. I chose 12 totally blind people ages 22 to 39 and 12 sleep mask wearers ages 18 to 24. I will call the sleep mask wearers s.m.w.

 The results are as follows.

 1. Walking speed of both the visually handicapped and the s.m.w. were 0.45m/s regardless of the radius when walking 1 lap, and this speed were 1.3 times of 1/4 laps. The rate of lap difference of the visually handicapped were 20-30 % and that of the s.m.w. were 30-45 %, regardless of the radius. Understanding of laps of the visually handicapped were 70-80 % and that of the s.m.w. were 50-70%. It appeared that the s.m.w. had difficulty understanding 3/4 laps. The larger the radius was, the smaller both the visually handicapped and the s.m.w. could sense the radius. They sensed the radius as 60-70% of the real radius in the 5m radius. The visually handicapped sensed the radius as 1.2 times of it in the 2m radius, while the s.m.w. sensed it correctly.

 2. For the two, the difference of laps was correlated with the difference of the radius. The larger the difference of laps was, the larger the difference of the radius was, or the larger the difference of the radius was, the larger the difference of laps was. The regression line of the visually handicapped was similar to that of the s.m.w., so the relationship between the difference of laps and the difference of the radius had similar characteristics for the two.

 3. When the visually handicapped sensed that they could understand the laps or they walked anticlockwise, the rate of the lap difference was lower and the difference of the radius was larger. When the s.m.w. sensed that they could understand the laps, the rate of the lap difference was higher and the difference of the radius was smaller, however the rate of the lap difference and the difference of the radius was not influenced by the direction they were walking. Depending on their understanding of laps and the walking direction, their consciousness turned to one side, and the understanding of laps and the cognition of the radius were not compatible.

 4. As clues for the cognition of the laps, subjects sensed acoustic echo, imaging spaces, bending degrees of the wall and sense of rotation of their body useful, however degrees of panel seam, the number of panels and the number of steps not helpful. Moreover, the feeling of the panels was useful and also not helpful as a clue. When the subjects were walking around the circler structures, some of them were conscious of the center of the circle or the starting point constantly.

 As a hypothesis, the complexity of the background of Architectural-disputes come from the unclearness and vagueness of the liability within the building production process. Exploring the mechanism of this unclearness and vagueness may help solving one of the issues for expediting litigation. By observing the conversation during the conciliation will somehow prove the honest source and the rout misunderstanding of the vagueness in each professional role in the architectural process which has led the parties to the dispute. The study focuses on civil conciliations and clarifies the mechanism of how the vagueness occurs and explode into the complexity within the disputes. The analytic material for this study is CONCILIATION REPORTS which are reported by the civil conciliation commissioners who have attended the conciliations and heard the discussions directly.

 At first, to avoid the complexity caused by term difference defined by different laws, we reorganized the terms for Party, Legal liability and Dispute matter. Party is classified into Client(A), Building engineer(B), and Third party(C). Legal liability is classified into Liability related to the contract(x) and defect(y). Dispute matter is classified into Contract(a), Design(b), Construction(c), and Building use(d). Basic factor which is related to Legal liability, is classified into Procedural factor(p), Substantive factor(q), and Complex factor(pq) which is combination of these two factors. Trigger factor which doesn't get connected with Legal liability, is classified into Switching party(ⅰ) and Switching evidence(ⅱ). When distrust or expectation that indicate the underlying emotion, they are marked with an asterisk.

 By the relationship between them, we have been able to reorganize one case as multiple units that indicate the causes of the dispute and the dispute parties.

 Comparing the Liability pursuit structures for each Party, the relationship between (a), (p) and (x), and (c), (pq) and (y) was found to be the central structure of Architectural-dispute. (b) relates with Basic factor without any hierarchy. (ⅱ) was somehow related to the central structure of Architectural-dispute, and (ⅰ) and (ⅱ^*) was diversified by the Liability pursuit structures.

 By analyzing the direction of pursuing the Legal liability we have found a tendency for contents to pursue the Legal liability among the parties. Based on this, we have been able to categorize six Liability pursuit types from the directions pursuing Legal liabilities between the parties. Claim from client type2 which diversifies the pursuit direction in Liability pursuit types, has made the dispute parties a diverse.

 Next, we have focused on the Liability pursuit structures in Claim from third party type and Claim from client type2 that have complicated the process to Architectural-dispute. In Claim from third party type, we have found the feature that the defects in building use have been the Liability pursuit structures different from the defects in building construction. In Claim from client type2, we have found the feature that Construction defects has also related to Design(b), and (ⅱ) has had a relationship with the central structure of Architectural-dispute and (b).

 Herewith, we have made it clear that the vagueness of the extent of liability with Architectural-dispute is the difference between Dispute matter and Legal liability originally resulting, (ⅰ) and (ⅱ^*) complicate the Architectural-dispute, (ⅱ) applies to the central structure of Architectural-dispute and (b), that is, there is the mechanism that leads to Architectural-dispute because of the inadequacy of the Architectural design document.

 This study examines the aspect of variation of spatial qualities on the user’s experience in selected public rooftop gardens (RG) in Tokyo. Firstly, a combined method of fieldwork and simulation was used to describe the physical attributes in different environmental conditions to disclose the variation in RG settings. Secondly, these setting’s patterns are interpreted through parameters of experience to reveal the tendency of variation in each parameter. Finally, by connecting setting and experience, the quality factors of RG will emerge as a tangible and intangible relationship between Space Affordance with Usage and Image of Identity.

 Currently, gentrification is progressing with de-industrialization and urban regeneration, and with that, new urban food deserts are arising due to the economic disparity. The purpose of this study is to analyze the mechanism of shopping difficulties for low-income households in the gentrifying areas. We investigated the background and factors that worsened low-income households' access to affordable fresh foods in central Tokyo, where population flowed in, and commercial agglomeration progressed as a result of redevelopment.

 According to the questionnaire and interview surveys with the residents, they switched their main using stores from shopping streets to supermarkets since 2000. Many low-income households used distant stores in the areas of shopping distance more than 500m, because the supermarkets in the area within 500m or less —the primary shopping area— were expensive.

 We hypothesized that the main factors of shopping difficulties for low-income households and their selection shopping destinations other than the primary shopping areas are “decline of shopping streets” and “upgrading supermarkets” in the neighborhood. These two factors are caused by changes in the socio-economic environment (economic changes, lifestyle changes, retail market changes). Also, the redevelopment in gentrifying areas and the increase of high-income households have a big impact on upgrading supermarkets.

 The result of the multiple regression analysis showed that the upgrading supermarkets had a correlation with the increase in high-income households. Furthermore, since 2000, “unaffordable food access areas”, which had only high-priced supermarkets within 500 m, was induced by the decline of shopping streets and the upgrading of supermarkets in parallel. In particular, in the area of a significant increase in high-income households by redevelopments, there was the constructions of luxury apartments and the opening of luxury supermarkets at the same time, so there was not the opening of affordable supermarkets.

 During the recovery process following a massive earthquake in Italy, the construction of provisional housing and the restoration of historical centers were conducted by establishing relationships between diverse actors. In this study, we clarify the characteristics of the established processes of reconstruction governance (RG) at L’Aquila city. We identify the mutual relationships (MR) between the established processes of RG and implemented process of the reconstruction project (RP). First, a literature survey was conducted on the six phases of the reconstruction process, based on both government-led initiative and civic/professional-associations-university-led initiative. Second, the characteristics of RG protocols employed during the six phases were revealed by visualizing the RG protocol during each phase. Third, the characteristics of the implemented RP process were revealed by overlaying three types of RP in the historical center and its surrounding territory. Moreover, the MR between established RG processes and the implemented process of RP were explored, and the following four MRs were revealed:

 1) The MR between established RG processes and the implementation process of cooperative restoration projects through foundation of a special office for restoration project maintenance was revealed. This MR led to extending the range of the RP from the fringe of the city walls to the historical center.

 2) The MR between established RG processes and the implementation process of the cultural heritage maintenance project by recognition changes of civic association was revealed. This MR led to diversifying RG to establish agreements about the cooperative maintenance of the city wall to extend the range of the RP from the wall gate to the overall city walls and extend the type of RP to include cooperative maintenance and utilization.

 3) The MR between established RG processes and the implemented process of public space improvement by project adoption and citizen participation was revealed. This MR led to developing RG as a collaborative system that included a civic association consortium, municipal government, the parish community, and a citizen territorial council.

 4) The MR between established RG processes and the implemented process of walkway maintenance caused by village networking was revealed. This MR led to developing RG as a cooperative system that included a civic association and village autonomous association at different stages, to extend the range of the RP and to include the surrounding territory to the historical center.

 Finally, our findings led to three important recommendations as follows:

 1) The diversification and continuous strengthening of RG is required. Through construction of diverse RG in a recovery process, the type and range of RG is going to expand, and then that expansion will broaden the diversification of RG. To continue this MR, the RG is required to be diversified and to be strengthened continuously.

 2) The early foundation of an intermediary support association is required, such as Urban Center L’Aquila, as an RG platform for coordinating the diverse actors involved in the recovery process after a huge natural disaster. By doing so, problems can be shared, and projects can be designed by diverse actors; moreover, a new governance system should be established according to specific RP objectives.

 3) An expanded public offering project is required to encourage civic participation. By doing so, we can promote the RP in across historical centers and their surrounding territories.

 The purpose of this study is to identify the characteristics of spatial structures of Okura-syo owned by Yanagawa Domain in the Edo period. Yanagawa Domain had one Okura-syo to provide salary to their warriors and three Okura-syo to stock rice for transportation. The domain faced the Sea of Ariake, which has the largest tidal flats in Japan. Under the natural conditions where irrigation water tended to run short, the villagers maintained their life with their water use practice.

 Previous researches and the procedure of this study are shown.

 First, actual spatial structures (enclosure of the site, type of building arrangement, Okura's room layout, lean-to, and appearance) were shown by Okura-syo. The Okura-syo consisted of Okura and offices. Next, looking at the rooms in each Okura, some rooms were most size and others had larger floor area. The former is called a most-sized room, and the room with largest floor area a large room. Lastly, we looked at other facilities. In Yanagawa Domain, there was no sign of inspection station or guard house.

 What the spatial structures of these four Okura-syo have in common and how they are different are shown, and types of building arrangement, pattern of spatial formation, and their factors are discussed. First, two types are distinguished by enclosure of the site: Type 1, moated with no actual fence, and Type 2, no moat and with fence around it. For Type 1, yarai fence connected between buildings, and the yarai fence and buildings all served as a fence for the garden. A possible factor for Type 1 is the officers enclosing the people and stuff. Secondly, no type of building arrangement was observed other than for Tamachi Okura-syo. In Type 1, however, the rooms tended to be arranged in a string, with large rooms close to the entrance, most-sized rooms back in the building. Yanagawa Domain put a priority on storing things in Okura in the order of the delivery date of an agricultural tax. In other words, it is assumed that they intended to make the storing system easy and smooth for carrying in an agricultural tax. Thirdly, we reviewed Okura. In Yanagawa Domain, barley, soybean, and mustard were also stored in Okura-syo as an agricultural tax. A primary agricultural tax was rice, and it was assumed that most-sized rooms, which took up the majority, were used to keep rice paid in autumn. On the other hand, barley, soybean, and mustard were paid in summer. It was pointed out that one possible reason why Okura had both most-sized rooms and large rooms is because each room stored different things and the timing when the things were carried in was also different. It was also cited that the reason why no space was formed in front of the door was because there was busy traffic of ships taking advantage of the biggest tidal difference in Japan, which made it unnecessary to have a temporary stock space for rice to be transported, and also there was an office where the officers were present.

 It was concluded that the Okura-syo owned by Yanagawa Domain, in the geographical conditions along the Sea of Ariake at that time, became to have characteristic spatial structures out of consideration to the people and their carrying in smoothly.

 With respect to the sketchbooks handed down by Josiah Conder, the commentary made by Eizo Inagaki who had been endowed the sketchbooks was compiled, the content of this was complemented with the discussion by Hiroyuki Suzuki, and furthermore, the study of how the sketchbooks had been donated has been underway by Keiichi Kaneda and Terunobu Fujimori. According to Suzuki's analysis of the sketchbooks, among the sketches contained in them, those described years were separately analyzed before and after Conder's coming to Japan, and the sketches without the description of the age has been being partially introduced. However, the author has already indicated that there are some omissions in Suzuki's analysis, and it is a problem that the introduction of sketches has been incomplete. Therefore, this article reveals the circumstances of the transfer of the sketchbooks, examines some of the sketches of them with identified the description of the age. In addition, the purpose of this study is to clarify when and where Conder visited, as well as to clarify some of his motivation for sketching.

 In this article, the described years in the sketchbooks of Conder are carefully examined, and the identified points are as follows;

 Conder's sketchbooks were donated by his daughter, Helen, to the University of Tokyo in July 1966. Until now, Suzuki reported that the describer years in Conder's sketchbooks were divided into before and after coming to Japan. In addition, in this study, 25 items before and 38 items after coming to Japan, 63 items in total were identified. The identified years of the Conder's sketchbooks before his coming to Japan are mostly seen in 1886 when he traveled to Italy, and after his coming to Japan, mostly seen in 1901 when he temporary returned to Britain. It should be noted that the majority of the described dates from1880 to 1885 was in August, and it is understandable that sketches were drawn during his summer vacations. Conder had stayed in Japan for more than 40 years, but sketches in Japan concentrated on the eight years between1881-1888, and this corresponds to the time while Conder studied under Kyosai Kawanabe.

 It has long been known that Josiah Conder set up his office in Yokohama and actively engaged in building activities, the outline has already been published in 1995 by Yurika Munakata et al. In this paper, they called the era when Conder was active in Yokohama as the “Yokohama jidai” and showed the actual state of the Conder’s seven works that were constructed. They also showed that his office was located at No. 60 in Yamashita-cho and No. 55 in Yamashita-cho, and reported on the actual state of activities at Conder’s Yokohama Office. Takeyoshi Hori showed the following in "Kyoryu-chi kenchiku-ka toshiteno Conder" in "Gaikokuzin kentiku-ka no keifu " compiled in 2003. Conder published the advertisement for the establishment of his Yokohama office on February 26, 1897 in an English newspaper published in Yokohama, he also assigned Japanese staff such as Shinnosuke Tahara, Junichi Chika and Shunzo Minowa to his office. In addition, Hori listed the work that Conder did in Yokohama from Shinnosuke Tahara's “CV”. By the way, Munakata vaguely assumed that the Conder's “Yokohama jidai” was in the Meiji 30 (1897) period, and his Yokohama office opened around 1899 to 1902. On the other hand, Hori set the time when 's Yokohama office was opened in February 1897 from the advertisement, but does not specifically indicate the end of the “Yokohama jidai”. Therefore, this article considers the period during which Conder established his Yokohama office from the trends of the staff and Conder itself, and the purpose of this article is to clarify the period and background of activities in Yokohama by Conder, the following points are revealed.

 There were 14 works that Conder had worked in Yokohama, including incomplete works. Conder's Yokohama office was founded by the end of September 1896 based on Tahara's resume. The closing time can be judged to be around March 1903 based on the trend of the staff. The design of Conder's mansion began in April 1901, the second time of his return to the UK, and the staff member Shinnosuke Tahara was involved in the design. Conder's Yokohama office suffered a fire on March 12, 1902 and lost many drawings.

 The triforium is a narrow passageway situated in the middle height of the Gothic interior wall. It is considered that during the construction of a building the triforium was used by workmen as a passageway and as a platform to fix the scaffoldings and the centering frames. On the other hand, it is not clear if the triforium was used even after the construction. As the triforium passage is narrow and often dangerous, it is unlikely that the laity walked in and out the triforium ceaselessly. Existing researches assert that the triforium was used only occasionally for maintenances and for hanging the tapestries, but they do not indicate any evidence. In this paper, we investigate how the triforium was used after the construction of a building, by examining the traces in the triforium passage and the paintings depicting the church interior. Even if these traces and paintings can be later ones, they offer some hints to study the usages in the middle ages.

 1. Hanging the tapestries

 Gervase of Canterbury wrote in his Chronicle (around 1180) that the clerestory passage of the old Canterbury Cathedral had been used for hanging the clothes. The iron hooks under the triforium of the Cathedrals of Reims, Amiens, Beauvais, Troyes and so on could be used for this purpose. In several monuments, the friction of cords had caused deep trenches on the floor and the balustrade of the triforium (Brie-Comte-Robert, Saint-Quentin, Rouen Cathedral, Chalon-sur-Saône Cathedral).

 2. Placing the candles

 Candles, needles, and traces of them were found on the floor of the triforium (Cathedrals of Rouen, Chalon-sur-Saône, Châlons-en-Champagne and Dijon, Notre-Dame of Dijon). Today, electric lightings are commonly used instead of candles.

 3. Accommodating the audience

 Some paintings show the triforium filled with audiences. They witness an exorcism (Laon Cathedral, 1566) or a coronation (Reims Cathedral, 1654, 1722, Prague Cathedral, 1836). These paintings suggest that the triforium could accommodate people occasionally.

 In some cathedrals the organs are fixed to the triforium and accessed from the passage. Those of Chartres and Strasbourg date back to the middle ages and those of Metz to the 16th century.

 The triforium doesn’t seem to be used in daily worship. However, it was useful for hanging the clothes, placing the lighting and sometimes, accommodating the audience. Further study may lead to finding other usages.

 In some Gothic monuments, the wall inclines outwards at the height of the triforium (Chalon-sur-Saône Cathedral, Saint-Martin Church of Clamecy). The triforium is a horizontal passage running through the main piers which are critical to the stability of a monument. I examined the masonry of the triforium in several monuments and the plans at the height of the triforium (available at the MAP (Médiathèque de l’architecture et du patrimoine) of Paris or the online database “Mémoire”). The study has shown that several security measures could be taken to diminish the risk of weakening the piers.

 This paper investigates the three solutions at the intersection of passages and piers (Fig. 1): 1. Passages running through the piers (reinforcement by internal buttresses); 2. Passages turning around the piers; 3. Blocking-up of the passage.

 1. Passages running through the piers (reinforcement by internal buttresses)

 The passage continues through the piers. The section of the pier decreases at the height of the triforium. This solution was already common in the Romanesque clerestory passage. At the intersection of the passage and the pier, the construction is reinforced employing additional masonry (internal buttress) which reduces the height of the passage (Fig. 3). At the Amiens Cathedral (Fig. 4, 5), the width of the passage is also reduced, but in most cases, the passage runs without narrowed (Cathedrals of Soissons, Meaux, Lyon (Fig. 6-9), etc.). From around 1200, the masonry of the pier comes to be made by large ashlar blocks instead of small blocks and rubble fills (Fig. 10-15). This seems to contribute to ensuring the stability of the pier.

 2. Passages turning around the piers

 The passage turns around the piers instead of running through them. The rear wall of the triforium bends toward the attic. This solution can be seen in tall cathedrals in southern France (Narbonne, Limoges, Rodez (Fig. 16, 17), etc.) and monuments without aisle attic (lower triforium of Beauvais Cathedral, Mont-Saint-Michel (Fig. 21, 23), etc.). At the Auxerre Cathedral, the choir triforium (c. 1215-) was blocked up after the risk of collapse became urgent, which later led the nave triforium (14th century) turn around the pier from the beginning (Fig. 20).

 3. Blocking-up of the passage

 In order not to reduce the section of the piers, some passages were simply blocked up at the intersection, from the beginning or afterward (Fig. 24, 25). To block up or not the passage depends on the judge of the master/architect of the building. In some monuments, after the passages in the preceding parts were plugged because of safety reasons, they were blocked from the beginning in the following parts (Saint-Quentin (Fig. 24, 27), Troyes Cathedral). At the Noyon Cathedral, the architect decided to condemn the passage to ensure the stability of the thinned piers (Fig. 26).

 The examples of Auxerre, Saint-Quentin, Troyes, Noyon shows that the triforium passage was thought to endanger the stability of the pier. Both the triforium and the pier-centered construction were widely pursued in Gothic architecture; to keep both of them would have been an important problem for architects.

 In many cities, there is a re-appreciation of the integration of industrial production in urban living. By focusing on the case of Kinshicho (Tokyo), this paper shows that this integration can contribute to activating the city through open public-private urban interfaces. Combining two functions, the buildings classified as residence-combined factories (Jyuukyoheiyoukoujou) provide production within neighborhoods, enhance local identity, and stimulate spotted regeneration. This paper investigates the quality of industrial mixed-use buildings and the interactions between living and production by analyzing its socio-spatial configuration through its public-private urban interface.

 Traditional houses in Kabul city were built using local materials such as sun-dried bricks, timber, and mud. However, with the progression of modernization, local materials have been replaced by industrial materials even in the Asheqan wa Arefan area, one of the oldest parts of Kabul. This study therefore firstly classifies all houses in the study area into traditional, mixed and modern, and examines how they are distributed in the area. Secondly, plan types of traditional houses are analyzed, and five types of courtyard houses and one type of house without courtyard are identified. A case study of three traditional courtyard houses has been conducted for a comprehensive investigation.

 In Japan, these days, social demand for the preservation and conservation of station buildings is growing. There are even examples of entire railway lines being registered as a network of cultural properties that includes station buildings and other related facilities as well, an approach that applies to advantage the character of a railway line. Meanwhile, registering station buildings as tangible cultural properties is also viewed as a regional opportunity. Expectations are high that more of these station buildings able to become symbols and tourism resources that contribute to regional activation will be preserved and conserved, for the sake of Japan’s regional vitalization, hereafter.

 Amid this social environment, this study specifically examines station buildings registered as tangible cultural properties throughout Japan. By looking at both station buildings still operating as stations and former station buildings which have been given new roles, it endeavors to clarify their architectural concepts when first built and their current conditions, and to contribute thereby to the preservation and conservation of station buildings in our country.

 This paper (2) focuses on 16 former station buildings no longer in service among the station buildings registered as tangible cultural properties. It analyzes each station’s historical transitions, architectural concept, its state of preservation and state of reuse. On this basis, it examines them in comparative verification in terms of station, station building, and related facilities.

 If we look at the state of the stations, they can be divided in two categories, stations still in service, though the former station buildings have been retired, and stations totally closed down. Moreover, the state of the former station buildings varies considerably. Some are preserved at the same location and others are preserved by transporting them whole to, or reassembling them at, a different location. Among the stations closed and no longer in service, moreover, there are station buildings preserved by transporting them whole to a different location. Their methods of reuse at present also vary but there are relatively many cases of them being converted to exhibiting facilities, restaurants and meeting halls.

 What is important, when thinking about the preservation and reuse of former station buildings, is enabling people to imagine the station building when it was still in use. This is achieved by preserving not only the original building’s exterior appearance but also the waiting room decor and components of the ticket windows and wickets, and moreover the platform and other exterior facilities.

 It is hoped this study will become a guidepost for considering the preservation and reuse of former station buildings no longer in service, hereafter.

 Several questions are submitted here in this discussion. The questions are concerned with promotion of logic, quoting manner of materials, meaning of academic terms, strictness of descriptions and so on. The discusser asks the author to answer the questions.

 The author thanks for Prof. Katsuki Takiguchi for his discussion, and the answers to main questions are follows: (1) the words "radioactive materials" should be changed to "amount of radiation". (2) The time of Tsunami invasion is very delicate so it should be "the time of loss of allAC power". (3) The problem of emergency evacuation is already discussed.