There are few urban scale axes and streets in Tokyo city center. People tend to move to their destinations using small building as landmarks, and the image of each place depends on each route. Therefore, to understand Tokyo’s urban structure more precisely, it is necessary to analyze the continuous spatial experiences using the pedestrian’s point of view.

 This paper aims to reveal how pedestrians recognize architectural elements in urban space from their gaze distribution. Eye-tracking experiment was chosen and focus the part of the city which attract the gazes and the place which cause the long-distance gaze.

 From the experiments and the subsequent analysis, following can be concluded:

 1)The characteristics of the cityscape (downtown and central business district) and the type of the streets (width, pedestrian bridge, and semi-outdoor space) affect the classification of pedestrian’s gaze distance.

 2)Attributes of the gaze-concentration spots can be explained by two main categories: “urban viewing-point” (the multiple-direction vista) and “gaze-focused point” (the object that many research subjects gazed on).

 3)There were five “urban viewing-point” in the route, the spot which cause multiple-direction long distance gazes. In addition, the major gaze-targeted buildings were looked from these “urban viewing-point”.

 4)There were conspicuous objects close to “gaze-focused point”. The characteristics of these objects were confirmed by analysing the major gaze-targeted buildings. Many “gaze-focused point” were found in spots where people could gaze the objects from a distance or had enough clearance between the buildings. The total gaze count of these objects were affected by “immediacy” (quote Appleyard, the closeness from pedestrian’s center of the visions) and that continuity (the positional relation between people and objects). Likewise, in “gaze-focused point”, “guide objects” (gate or tunnel shaped objects that people could passing through inside) could be differentiate from other “gazed objects” (objects that people gazed them from the outer surface).

 Consequently, analysis of “urban viewing-point” and “gaze-focused point” suggest that two main factors are important for our urban sequence: The positional impact of the buildings and the vistas that encourage the conspicuousness of the urban elements.

 In recent years, community planning that incorporates the opinions of residents has become popular in the fields of architecture and urban planning. At the same time, place attachments embodied by people have been recognized as an important element of planning, and past researches on attachment are being used in community development. Attachment has many factors, but daily behavior and personal experience are proven to be very important. However, most previous studies have only analyzed the personal attributes and environmental characteristics, and few have examined places of deep attachment with a focus on personal experiences and actions based on memories.

 Therefore, in this study, based on an interview survey, we studied the places that subjects had attachments to, along with the personal experiences, behaviors, and reasons behind those attachments. The aim is to clarify the experiences that tend to lead to these attachments and the ages at which they form. In addition, utilizing a sketch map survey, we studied how place attachments are drawn in a sketch map, and considered how various factors, such as environment, experiences, and with whom they experienced, affect those attachments. By analyzing the attachments from the viewpoint of experience aspects based on memories, we gained a deeper understanding of the patterns of place attachment.

 To study the deep relationships between people and places from the experience aspects, in this study, the experiences are limited to those in everyday life. The definition of place attachment is “a place for which you feel nostalgic when you think deeply or consider it in your daily life from the past until now, or a place which would make you feel lonely if you were to lose it”.

 The experience of creating attachment changed from playing to talking as the age progressed. Playing tended to create strong attachments but talking tended to be related to weak attachments. Playing and interacting with nature during elementary school are particularly important as it was easy to create attachments. In addition, it was found that striving for something during the time of being a junior high school student or older often produced attachments, even if it was not an enjoyable memory. Additionally, detours from the route to school during high school tended to create many attachments. Furthermore, it was found that even if an experience was not remarkable, feelings of empathy and remembering the experience with people who shared it tended to cause strong attachments.

 A sketch map survey revealed that attachment is deeply related to the environment, experience, and human factors, and that there are various types of attachment to places. In the sketch maps, it was found that the way of drawing changes depending on how attachment is formed. Also, the amount of information drawn on urban and suburban sketch maps was small, but the sketch maps of the countryside were rich in nature, in which the environment and various experiences arising from it were frequently drawn, and continuous.

 By analyzing attachment from the viewpoint of experience aspects, we gained a deeper understanding of the patterns of place attachment based on memories.

 This study aims to clarify how the layout of study work space has effect on the various types of work and meetings.

 The method of the study is to conduct experiments of simulation study work in a real seminar room at a university. Various types of work includes businesslike work and creative work. In the experiments, businesslike work is done by inputting words, while creative work is done by making wooden block structures based on a given theme. Meetings are done by four people brainstorming based on a given theme. Psychological evaluations accompanying every behavior are answered by questionnaire. The aim of the experiments is to analyze how the layout effects the word count, self-evaluation when making wooden block structures and meetings, also every psychological evaluation.

 The seminar room for the experiments has eight seats. In the case of experiments with meeting, four seats near the window are used for various types of work, while four seats near corridor are used for the meetings. The types of layout for various types of work includes same direction-type, island-type, wall-type, and facing each other-type. The type of meeting is only island-type for four people. In the case of experiments without meetings, every seat is used for work.

 Eight subjects in a group are asked to conduct experiments eight times repeating with meetings or without meetings. Subjects are grade three or four undergraduate students, or graduate students. There are sixty four subjects in all, divided into eight groups, each consisting of eight members who belong to the same laboratory.

 The following results were found in the experiment conditions.

 Regarding to the efficiency of business work, self-evaluation of creative work and meetings:

 1. With regards to an island-type layout, the efficiency of business work with meetings is higher than the ones without meetings. In the case of wall-type, self-evaluation of creative work without meetings is higher than the one with meetings.

 2. About the effect by layout, in the case of with meetings, the efficiency of business work in island-type facing meetings from the side is higher than facing meeting from front or back. Creative work shows the opposite results. In the case of without meeting, the efficiency of business work in same direction-type is higher than island-type. The self-evaluation of creative work based on easy themes in wall-type is higher than same direction-type.

 3. In regards to the self-evaluation of meeting seats, in the case of the next seats facing each other-type doing creative work, the self-evaluation of meetings is higher than island-type and wall-type.

 Regarding to relationship of efficiency of business work, self-evaluation of creative work and meetings, and psychological evaluation:

 1. Psychological evaluation of both various types of work and meetings are divided into factors of spatial, surrounding and emotional as the same factors in both evaluation types.

 2. Regarding efficiency of business work and self-evaluation of creative work, and psychological evaluations, significant difference has been found together as in the case of without meetings. When doing creative work based on easy themes, the self-evaluation of wall-type is higher than same direction-type, while spatial evaluation is lower.

 3. Regarding meeting seats, in the case of next seats facing each other-type doing creative work, all of the self-evaluations of meetings and surroundings, and the emotional psychological evaluations, are comparatively high.

 In this paper, we constructed a method to detect pedestrian groups using Support Vector Machine (SVM), one of the machine learning methods, from the pedestrian behavior monitoring data measured by laser scanner sensors. In addition, we constructed a pedestrian behavior model taking account the presence of pedestrian groups, and evaluated pedestrian space by simulating the walking behavior as follows.

 (1) First, features that are considered effective for group detection were extracted from the pedestrian trajectory data measured by laser scanner sensors in a hospital, and the relationships between the features and pedestrian groups were analyzed. Furthermore, based on this basic analysis, we constructed a method to detect pedestrian groups who act together as a group from observed multiple walking trajectories. Specifically, five significant parameters for group detection were selected to detect the pedestrian pairs from measured pedestrian trajectory data. SVM was used to detect pedestrian groups, and the effectiveness and efficiency of the proposed method was validated using the pedestrian behavior monitoring data measured by laser scanner sensors.

 (2) Next, the pedestrian behavior model based on psychological stress was extended to a model that can consider the existence of pedestrian groups. More specifically, th e following points were incorporated into the model. (1) The other person stress received from the other pedestrians in the same group is relatively small, (2) The group dispersion stress is caused by leaving from the pedestrians in the same group, (3) The pedestrian stress received from the facing other pedestrian groups is relatively bigger than the stress received from individual pedestrian. Pedestrian groups were detected by SVM, and the parameters of the pedestrian behavior model were estimated for each pedestrian attribute (sex, staff, use of assistive devices). Using the estimated parameters composing each stress, we demonstrated the behavioral characteristics of assistive device users who were difficult to change directions suddenly, and the characteristics of the stress of staff who always corresponded to patients and visitors. In addition, the differences between the estimated trajectory and the measured trajectory were compared, and good description accuracy of the proposed model was confirmed for all attributes.

 (3) Next, the pedestrian space was evaluated using various stress values calculated by the proposed model. The stress received from other pedestrians is larger in places where there are many waiting times, such as reception machines and accounting machines. Also, the group dispersion stress is larger in places where the pedestrian density is low and the distance between pedestrians in the same group is easy to open.

 In conclusion, the pedestrian behavior model based on psychological stress can be of great potential and applied to crowd flow analysis m actual pedestrian spaces. In other facility, such as commercial facilities, however, pedestrian attributes, walking characteristics, and group composition might be different form that of this research. The application of the proposed model in a wide variety of facilities will be discussed in the further study.

 In a design process, architects need to identify the clients' requests and respond to them. Thus, just before the end of the design period, architects receive reviews from the managers at their design organization. The managers check if the drawings match the client's requests. However, during the design period, the content of consultations, proposals, and methods of discussions on designs held between clients and architects is not systematically managed but it is managed through an empirical method by the architects. In addition, the obligation for architects to explain things to their clients and the clients' requirements for standards have gotten stricter, thus, new remuneration standards have been set and architectural laws relating to clients have been reviewed. Considering these circumstances, it is important to carefully consider design meetings between architects and clients. Thus, we investigated the proposal methods that architects make to clients at design meetings. In a previous study, we found that architects made not only a single proposal, but they also made multiple proposal at design meetings with clients. In this study, we will analyze the specific methods they use to present multiple proposal and the effects that the result of multiple proposal have.

 In this survey, we interviewed nine architects about the content of their design meetings during the preliminary design period of 11 projects that they were actually involved in designing. As a result, we confirmed 3 presentation methods and 2 effects that the multiple proposal had.

 Method 1: When the architects presented multiple proposals during a time in which they were trying to identify the actual clients' requests, they often made two proposals. When they presented multiple proposal at a time in which they expected clients to actually select proposals, they were likely to present three or more proposals. It was found that architects change the number of proposals they make depending on the purpose of the proposal. Method 2: When the architects presented their proposals, they used various drawings such as Model, Plan, Section, and CG. When presenting multiple proposal to identify the clients' requests, they were likely to use one type of drawings, whereas when presenting multiple proposal when they expected to obtain consent from their client, they were use various types of drawings to present their proposal. It was shown that they changed the type of drawings they used depending on the purpose of their proposals. Method 3: It was shown that when the architects discussed while presenting multiple proposal, they presented not only a plan they recommended, but they also prepared a proposal they negatively evaluated, a proposal that the client negatively evaluated, a proposal that the architect neither negatively nor positively evaluated.

 Result 1: After the design meeting, the architect presented proposals which are even against their results at subsequent design meetings to continue their discussions. Presenting multiple proposal had the effect of supporting ongoing consultations. Result 2: As a result of the multiple proposals being presented, it was seen that there were meetings where clients presented their own new discussion topics. It was shown that multiple proposals had the effect of allowing clients to be actively involved in the design meetings.

 The purpose of this study is to gain knowledge about the revitalization of old public collective housing in Taiwan through the investigation of the performance of the auxiliary activities of a nongovernmental organization (NGO) and its connection with local organizations. The reuse of vacant space in the second-stage neighbor of Nanjichang public collective housing in Taipei by an NGO called NanjiRice was used as a case study. To analyze (1) the characteristics of space usage, (2) the operation management, and (3) the concept of space arrangement for the activities of NanjiRice, an NGO composed of five groups, the researcher investigated three points: space, operation, and activities. The research method of the study comprised of interviews of the members, volunteer works, and analysis of the event logs delivered by NanjiRice, all of which led to a better understanding of the characteristics of the space layout of the base of the basement, the operation management, and the forms and contents of activities.

 According to the investigation, NanjiRice turned the dark basement into a social space for the neighborhood and into the basis of their organization, by collaborating with professors and students from architecture-related departments and by inviting residents to join the community renovation. After NanjiRice moved in, the view and the environment of the neighborhood were improved and the rate of use of the vacant basement increased. Besides, NanjiRice sends living assistance to the neighborhood residents by holding activities. Moreover, these activities improve the communication between residents and also between residents and the members of NanjiRice. Further, the participation of student volunteers develops young people’s interest in community issues. Finally, through the various activities of NanjiRice, the participation of residents or people from other areas creates a cross-community and cross-area social network. In addition, NanjiRice earns important knowledge about community revitalization through collaboration or communication with local organizations.

 In conclusion, renovating vacant space by inviting residents to join-in and improving social communication through various living assistance activities in the renovated space give new and important value to the old collective housing and promote community revitalization.

 Eight years have passed since the Great East Japan Earthquake. The nuclear accident in Fukushima has forced planners to consider the following question for the first time. What is the endurance of disaster town in the event of a nuclear accident? The paper clarifies how to think about that through the case study on Namie Town. This question requires a new framework to consider because there are not so many cases and also this is a very historical event. That is the reason why the framework composes following three points.

 1. Endurance: local merchants, the mayor and residents who became the victim considered how the town could endure for the prolonged evacuation term, not 'build back better'. In that context, the discussion on villages is very useful and suggestive. A unit, which has an intentionality of endurance should be focused on.

 2. Town, downtown, neighborhood: the word 'town' includes at least two different meanings. One is a municipality and the other is a community.

 3. Counterfactual thinking: many plans were not realized because of various reasons. Because the current situations at Fukushima disaster area face so many difficulties, to salvage those plans or discussions or concepts should have significant meanings.

 Through interviews and reviewing reports of plans and discussions, the process of the out-of-town communities is clarified. At the beginning, it was very clear that the out-of-town community should be built. However, the mayor and most local residents began to feel that it might become obstacles for return against the fiscal entrenchment under a very severe degenerate trend. That is the reason why they chose the return policy by using the financial support from the central government.

 On the other hand, an organization based on the store association could get a support from researchers and made a plan of the out-of-town community. One of the core members considers that the essence of the town is the whole relationship among Namie people. Even if they cannot return immediately, to enduring the life together based on downtown with greetings will keep the Namie community. In the future, they will return together. The group could find a good place and get the consent of the land owners and host municipality. But the mayor did not accept it. As a result, the realized out-of-town communities are a few shops with public housing sites and some community center which was established by the refugee themselves.

 The nuclear accident is pollution caused by the country and the national policy. The disaster area and people should be fully compensated. If the town can act to pursue two ways, namely the care of the original town and the construction of the out-of-town community, the current situation may be changed.

 Planners should consider a town planning which can afford the endurance for the prolonged evacuation term after the nuclear accident.

 The operation of public facilities is increasingly outsourced to the private sector for cost reasons. On the other hand, the local government is the only organization that can involve in the local community permanently, but their role in facility management is not adequately discussed. We analyze human-environment transactions around public facility “Hacchi” and civic group “Machigumi” which are located in Hachinohe-City, and describe the patterns of civic engagement and the roles of local governments.

 In chapter 3, we analyze from a spatial perspective. First, we analyzed the use of the rental area of Hacchi and found that there was a difference of about 100m2 in the space between the independent business and the general public. On the other hand, about half of the events in Hacchi held by the general public.

 Secondly, we analyzed where exhibitors in Hacchi self-produced events participated from and found they joined from not only the central city area but also the other areas, including outside Aomori prefecture.

 Finally, we plotted on a map where Hacchi self-produced projects and Machigumi involved in. We found that Machigumi performed their activities in various places in the central city area. In contrast, Hacchi held their self-produced events in Hacchi.

 In Chapter 4, we analyzed the activities of “Machigumi,” focusing on two aspects: places and interaction. First, in their lab, members of Machigumi generally spent their time getting ready for events, communicating with each other, and enjoying various club activities. Outside their lab, they sell products, hold events, and participate in events hosted by other organizations. Also, their activities outside the laboratory divide into three cases performed in public facilities (e.g., Hacchi), open spaces, and private buildings.

 Furthermore, in a questionnaire survey for members of Machigumi, reasons for joining in Machigumi were not necessarily related to downtown revitalization. Most of the members join Machigumi to do what they want.

 In Chapter 5, Machigumi has to coordinate with the city government, building owners, residents before they work in the city. We analyzed those processes by using the social relationship diagram and summarize the subject and content of the first episode in each section to examine the trigger of events. As a result, the social relationship surrounding Machigumi changed over time; for example, the city government changed how to handle Machigumi. Also, citizens have been consulting with Machigumi gradually, and they put their consultation contents into activities and events in the city.

 In summary, Hacchi provides several patterns of civic engagement in their building, and Machigumi also provides more patterns in the central city area. These various patterns of civic engagement show the methods of downtown revitalization that the local governments achieve through the development and operation of base facilities when governments aim to revitalize their city comprehensively. Also, behind the fact that Machigumi is free to act, there is a device for management by Hacchi, such as an only annual activity report. These are the viewpoints to have when the local government considers planning of facility management.

 In recent years, demographics regarding the spatiotemporal distribution of people in urban areas estimated from location information of mobile phone users are available for various usage. However, the available information of mobile phone demographic data is limited due to various reasons.

 In order to address this limitation, we firstly constructed a model to estimate the spatiotemporal distribution of people by considering the differences of population density according to the location, time, and uses of building where they are. Next, we complemented their attribute and purpose of stay for each grid cell, by incorporating the information of Person Trip survey data (PT data). Finally, using the advanced spatiotemporal demographic data, we discussed the spatiotemporal distribution of people, which varies according to areas, date, and time. Summary and conclusions are as follows.

 (1) First, we proposed a model to estimate the number of people being inside/outside of buildings for each building use in detailed units of space and time, by using Mobile Spatial Statistics (MSS) data and Building Point data, which is the GIS data including detailed attribute information such as floor area and building use.

 (2) Next, we added the detailed attribute information to the people being inside/outside of buildings for each building use, by using the information of Person Trip survey data (PT data) in which detailed personal attributes as well as the location and time information of the departure and arrival, purpose of trip, and means of transportation are available. In this process, we utilized the fact that detailed personal attributes of people are deeply dependent on the location, time, and building use where they are staying.

 (3) Finally, using the spatiotemporal distribution of people which was estimated by the proposed model, we attempted to making regional comparisons of the spatiotemporal distribution of people in urban areas.

 In conclusion, we demonstrated that it is possible to grasp the spatiotemporal characteristics of population distribution attached with detailed attribute information such as their age, gender, occupation, and purpose of stay that vary according to the location, time, and building use where they are.

 Some municipalities carry out the housing projects where they rent vacant private houses from homeowners, renovate them and sublease to migrating people as a part of policies for promoting the migration. While families migrating into rural areas usually want to rent a house rather than purchase, private rental housing stock and realtors are usually not available sufficiently there. With intent to supply new housing, some municipalities started such a sublease project rather than developing new public housing by investing lots of money.

 In this paper, the authors explore cases of the housing projects utilizing private vacant houses implemented by the three towns; Iinan town, Yusuhara town (as cases of sublease projects) and Okuizumo town (as a case of project buying and leasing vacant houses) to clarify characteristics and challenges of the sublease projects.

 In spite of low or no rent paid by the municipalities, the homeowners are content in a renovation conducted at municipalities’ expense. Many of the leased houses are aged over 40 years and were renovated with the renewal of household equipment, repair interior finishing, and, in some cases, seismic and insulation reinforcement. Basically, the renovation works cost from 5 million to 8 million yen and cannot be put into practice without the subsidy from the national government and the prefectures.

 Nevertheless, as sublessors, the municipalities had to make a long-term contract of ten years to recover their investments with low rent difference. Meanwhile, they promise homeowners to return their houses on termination of contracts by a fixed-term lease contract, which builds a sense of ease for them.

 Analyzing contractual descriptions of the lease agreements in the projects, there are the provisions to preserve the municipalities’ claim of penalty for mediate cancellation and to exempt the obligation for restoration to the original state. They are the provisions very characteristic to the project scheme where renovation is conducted at the expense of a municipality as sublessor. However, there were no clear provisions concerning the responsibilities of repair or maintenance in the master lease arrangements of the two towns. In the first place, rent paid to homeowners was very low or free, and, presumably, the municipality thought it was difficult for homeowners to bear costs for repairs. Thus, municipalities bear all the repairs due to leaks, damages and malfunctions of equipment. In fact, the increase in cost for repairs has become a big issue for Iinan town. It regards over-concentrated responsibility for repairs and maintenance as high risk and has no idea to recontract with the homeowners and continue the project, developing new public housing instead.

 The sublease partnership utilizing vacant houses is found to be beneficial to not only a migrant (tenant) but also a homeowner (lessor) and a municipality (sublessor). Particularly, in the rural areas where rental housing stock and realtors are not available sufficiently, it is a more economically efficient approach compared to new construction of public housing and project buying and leasing vacant houses. However, a municipality bears the responsibilities of repairing and maintaining houses excessively in addition to renovation cost and vacancy risks. To make the partnership more sustainable, it is important to consider dispersing the risks among the parties and to select a house in better condition.

 ・The total number of closed schools that occurred in the period of Heisei was 423 schools, which notably increased at a steep rate after 2013. By prefecture, Mie Prefecture had the largest number of 157 schools (37%), and by school type, each prefecture had the largest number of 295 (70%) on elementary schools.

 ・From the factor analysis, we clarified the characteristics of local attributes, which are one of the social factors, in the timeframe when the national census was conducted for six times periodically in the Heisei period. From 2005 onwards in the middle of the Heisei period, due to the transition to a declining population, we showed a method to interpret the characteristics of local attributes, by utilizing the indicators such as "the urban growth potential" and "the risk of population decline".

 ・By classifying the municipalities and by mapping it onto a scatter diagram per each group based on the above-mentioned index, we represented visually the position of the municipalities as per the characteristics of the local attributes. This process would allow us to analyze the role of municipalities in the future.

 ・This study showed quantitatively that the municipalities with a low risk of urban shrinkage and a high potential of population growth had a low possibility of closed schools, although the municipalities locating its opposite had a high possibility of closed schools.

 ・By the discriminant analysis and the multiple regression analysis, we clarified that several factors affected to the school closure including: the factors relating to the school organization and operation directly, such as the number of schools, the number of classes, the number of students, and the number of students per school, and the geographical factors such as the ratio of forest and field located in the mountainous inter-regions, and lastly the merger and financial health of the municipalities.

 In the Tokai region, due to the aging of the population and the hollowing-out of central district in the urban areas, a certain number of closed schools are regularly seen. From around 2000, the number of closed schools began to increase due to the weakening of the potential of population growth in the three prefectures other than Aichi prefecture, in which the differences in the characteristics of closed schools appeared. From 2003, the number of closed schools also increased, especially in the municipalities of Gifu prefecture, Mie prefecture, and Shizuoka prefecture, which merged in a wide range of mountainous areas. Since then, as facing with the moment of transition to a society with a declining population, there has been a closure of schools due to further slowing of growth, not only in municipalities in the mountainous areas of Gifu Prefecture, Mie Prefecture, and Shizuoka Prefecture, but also in other urban areas and its suburbs, as the survey year progresses.

 In this manner, conducting an analysis from the perspective of changes in social factors over time revealed that, the differences in the growth potential of each prefecture have resulted in the different characteristics of the school closures and the cause of changes by regions. Also, analyzing it by the groups of municipalities made appear that there were distinct differences in the rate of growth of the groups, which affected to the characteristics of school closures.

 The purpose of this study is, in the first place, to construct comprehensive and chronological panel datasets in the six major cities of Japan and finally to clarify the building metabolism of the cities using the datasets. The study was performed according to the following procedure.

 ・ By overlaying the GIS data created by the basic surveys on city planning between different years, building identification judgments were made, and panel data that show the status of “survival”, “new construction”, and “loss” during the observation period were created.

 ・ The deemed building area and gross floor area of each building was calculated from the building’s polygon area and the number of floors above ground. In order to approximate these values to actual ones, we created an estimation models using collected information on the outlines of the actual building plans, corrected them, and completed panel datasets for analysis

 ・ In each city, the amount of building stock was increasing both in number and gross floor area. By the type of building use, apartment house and offices have a large gross floor area per building and tend to be getting large, while detached house is becoming smaller on a nationwide scale as they are newly supplied

 ・ We looked at the geographical distribution of newly built buildings in Tokyo, Yokohama, and Nagoya, where building metabolism was particularly active. The results showed that new detached houses were located on the periphery of the city, new apartment houses were located in areas with good access to the city center, such as along railway lines, and new offices were mainly provided in existing office areas. As a whole, it can be seen that the size of the newly constructed building is particularly large in the center of the city, and the offices account for major part of them. This trend was common to all cities

 The aim of this paper is to follow the tile craftsmen's relocation in Kyoto by researching documents in order to acquire historical data, track the technological lineage and reveal the contemporary social circumstances. This paper concentrates on a tile craftsman 'Fukuda Kaga' describing what his relocation in 1739 meant for the provision of roof tiles in Kyoto.

 Several generations called Fukuda Kaga worked in the Daibutsu district, which was known as a major production area of roof tiles for temples and shrines. The term 'the tile craftsman in the Daibutsu district' can be found on many roof tiles and ridge tags.

 It is known that the Fukuda Kaga were active from 1590 to 1735. They worked in Myoshinji-temple, Kyoougokoku1i-temple, Daitokuji-temple, and Kiyomizudera-temple. After 1735, their activities decreased significantly, and their course is unknown except for the last work in 1775.

 Investigating Hinamiki, the diaries kept at Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine, I found records about his working activities m the Hiiragibara district in 1739. Being part of the Kamigamo district, t he Hiiragibara district was under the control of Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine. Therefore, Fukuda Kaga had to apply to the shrine for his work, and the shrine recorded his application in Hinamiki.

 The following three points were revealed as a conclusion by deciphering:

 1. Fukuda Kaga moved to the Hiiragibara district in 1739, after he surveyed the geology of the area and selected a site for his workshop in 1738. Mentioning of Fukuda Kaga's name could be found before 1731 at Myoshinji-temple, and before 1735 at Daitokuji-temple. At Myoshinji-temple, a new tile craftsman applied to the temple for permission to open business in 1739, which was the same year Fukuda Kaga applied to Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine. At Daitokuji-temple, the name of a different new tile craftsman from another district could be found in 1780.

 2. A merchant named Yorozuya Kan'uemon at the Daitokuji-temple town mediated between Fukuda Kaga and Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine. At first, Yorozuya Kan'uemon applied for permission to open a tile shop to the shrine. After the permission was granted, Fukuda Kaga became the applicant, and Yorozuya Kan'uemon stood as a guarantor for Fukuda Kaga. It has to be noted that the application forms were prepared by Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine.

 3. The relocation of Fukuda Kaga was due to an agreement between himself and Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine. The main motivation for Fukuda Kaga to work in the Hiiragibara district was the great demand for a tile craftsman in the area, and the little competition. Contrary to this, the Daibutsu district was abundant in tile craftsmen in the same period consuming a great amount of the local clay. Furthermore, Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine needed him in order to overcome financial difficulties, because at the time, the shrine was indebted, and some of the priests were too poor to fix their own houses. They expected the tax revenues from Fukuda Kaga to solve these problems, and also to stabilize the lives of local farmers by giving them work.

 In conclusion, Fukuda Kaga didn't close his workshop by An'ei era. Fukuda Kaga moved to the Hiiragibara district legally and based on his own intentions. After his relocation, new tile craftsmen started to work at the temples, where Fukuda Kaga had worked before. His move indicated the end of an epoch in the provision of roof tiles for temples and shrines in Kyoto.

 In this study, the author has classified drawings and sketches stored in the Uchida Archives of proposed extensions to Tange’s own house and analyzed the planned extensions, based on photographs taken by Tange over a long period of time and interviews with Michiko Uchida. The following five points were supported.

 First, when construction was completed (October 1953), the area under the pilotis remained unfinished. Around 1955, flagstones and amaochi were installed, and bamboo was planted in the area closest to the residential building. Then, in 1960, Tange made the main approach, which had extended straight in a north-south orientation, into a curving path.

 Second, when Tange considered the expansion of his residence, he set the main approach from the road on the south side of the lot, as before, and devised it so that as a visitor meandered within the lot along the roofed mud wall, the front door came into view.

 Third, one occasionally comes across sketches of ideas for a Type A roofed mud wall, where vehicles entered from the road on the west side, and a Type B wall, where vehicles entered from the south side. In both proposals, Tange planned on space for two vehicles. At the time of completion of his residence, Tange did not own an automobile; therefore, it is possible that locating the garage in relation to the house was a challenge.

 Fourth, in Type A, the parlor was placed in such a way that the depth of the lot was fully utilized. Tange designed a structure that would even allow the back wall of parlor 1 beyond the vestibule to be seen from outside the lot. One can imagine that if this had been constructed, the space would have looked splendid from the street, like the entrance to an art museum or the ballroom of an ambassador’s residence. On the other hand, Type B combined the approach with the parking lot flow lines; therefore, Tange may have been attempting to preserve the size of the south garden. Compared to Type A, Type B is an exclusive, conservative, and imposing layout suitable for a mansion. Tange tried out multiple plans for the front entrance and arrived at an access plan that interfered as little as possible with the roofed mud wall.

 Fifth, the proposal for remodeling the second floor converted the existing L-shaped kitchen into a straight-line format, allowing for passage through it and making the entire second floor more convenient.

 Giaugo Polesello(1930-2007), one of oldest collaborators of Aldo Rossi (1931-1997), was the architect who taught in Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia (IUAV). Polesello-Rossi group had worked several works in 1960-62. Famously, Polesello, Rossi, and Luca Meda (1936-1998) collaborated in Centro direzionale di Torino and Resistance Monument in Cuneo in 1962.

 Although their contemporaries such as Carlo Aymonino, Antonio Monestiroli, and Giorgio Grassi testified their ideological similarity and political approach to the architecture, Polesello was almost overlooked in former studies on La Tendenza.

 This study focused on the collaboration between Polesello and Rossi in early 1960’s, in order to reveal Polesello’s theoretical and ideological contribution to La Tendenza movement. The purpose is to reveal their mutual influence between Polesello and Rossi in their common ideology and detect when the conflict happened in their architectural ideology. It mainly focused on Polesello’s memorial document for Rossi, “Ab initio, indagatio, initiorum; ricordi e confessioni” (first presented in 1998 in «Care Archietetture» published in 2003), among the documents concerned with La Tendenza movement.

 In the first chapter, it extracts their ideological and religious background through that memorial document of Polesello, with those of Monestiroli and Giogio Grassi. According to Grassi, they two took the way “in the opposite direction”. Polesello recalled their metaphysical thinking style from religious high-school days. That was why they agreed with Stalinist architecture and consisted counterpart against the main stream of Communist-Modernist architects, while both joined Italian Communist Party in their youth.

 Polesello recalled why he and Rossi had been attracted to Rashomon (羅生門, Film directed by Akira Kurosawa). The second chapter treated their devoting into arts, paintings, philosophy and literature. Polesello was strongly attracted to Wittgenstein, through whom Rossi found the idea of Analogous City (see also, Katagiri, October 2019, AIJ). Also their common background was De Chirico’s painting, and they composed the image components, learning from Roussel’s method of Comment j'ai écrit certains de mes livres (How I Wrote Certain of my Books).

 In the third chapter, it traced their collaboration in Project in Via Farini in Milan (1960), Centro direzionale di Torino (1962) and Country Club in Fagagna (1962). In the chapter, the geometrical combination of sphere and regular square was shared by them and it was shown that the abstract forms of components are common language for Polesello-Rossi group.

 Then, in the fourth chapter, it reached Polesello-Rossi’s “Columm debate”. According to Polesello’s confession, he accused Rossi of proposing of column with the base like Monumental Fountain in Segrate (1965). Polesello, in opposite, insist on “abstract column”, which should sign “itself ” and could not be direct reference of architectural historical archive as what Rossi said as “fragment”.

 The debate on the column caused the end of their collaboration. However, they kept common adolescence in their mind. In short, the use of abstract components in primitive geometry gave them the architectural ideological stance for the design and influenced the architectural design in the origin of La Tendenza.

 Bunkukai mean the border lines of minimum units of the land readjustment projects after the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. This study aims to show 1. how to design Bunkukai and 2. how to implement the replotting design inside of Bunkukai. In addition, through these analyses, we clarified the role of Bunkukai in the land readjustment projects and examined the historical succession of urban space by the use of Bunkukai.

 Firstly, four points were pointed out about the design of Bunkukai as follows. 1. Bunkukai were not determined by the area size. 2. Bunkukai were determined by Chokai (town boundaries). 3. Bunkukai were related to the boundaries of land-use in the Edo period (Buke-chi: lands for Samurai, Chonin-chi: land for merchants and craftsmen, Jisha-chi: lands for temples and shrines). 4. Bunkukai were related to the streets of the city improvement plan of Meiji and Taisho era. In other words, there was the aspect of inheriting the urban space structure before the earthquake disaster, even though Bunkukai directly existed as the tool of urban reorganization called the land readjustment.

 In addition, there were many Bunkukai that coincided with the pre-relocation town boundaries in the road widening type districts where the streets before the reorganization were only widened. Even in the development type districts where the new street-block plans were boldly implemented, many Bunkukai also used the pre-relocation town boundaries. On the other hand, some Bunkukai coincided with the after-relocation town boundaries, it was estimated that the local communities of new town after the land readjustment were taken into account at the same time of setting Bunkukai.

 Secondly, through the analysis of the north-Kanda (the 12 Bunku of 8 district) as a case study, it was revealed that almost all houses were removed only inside the Bunkukai of land readjustment, even though the street-city blocks greatly changed in this area. Most of the buildings have been relocated to the near place of the original site, but some buildings have moved far away, for instance, from the former Kiji-cho to the former Renjaku-cho town.

 As mentioned above, the land readjustment projects after the Great Kanto Earthquake have been implemented by the complicated replacement land design (building relocation) inside the preset demarcation boundaries called Bunkukai. The land readjustment projects had the aspect of remodeling the urban structure, but focusing on Bunkukai, they also had the opportunity to inherit the pre-modern urban structure to the present day.

 This paper focuses on the early modern urbanization process in the Higashi-Kujo area, the periphery of Kyoto, from the viewpoint of land ownership and land use. Shortly after World War II, extremely densely built up district and illegally occupied district formed in the area, so that the problem of a harsh living environment occurred. In addition, the area was subject to regional discrimination that originated in ethnic discrimination. The purpose of this study is to consider the factors that caused these urban problems through clarifying the urbanization process before the war.

 First, the rural structure before urbanization can be broadly divided into three areas: a village formed around the Takeda Street, and farmland spread east and west of the village. Comparing the farmland in the east and west, the east side of the village are relatively infertile, probably because the east side was the floodplain of the Kamogawa River. Lands in the village was owned by local owners, including small-scale landowners, while farmland in the east and west was owned by large-scale landowners, including absent landowners. In particular, Lands on the north side of the area near the old urban area tended to be owned by absent landowners. It shows that potential urbanization was proceeding ahead of urbanization. In the early Taisho era, factories were located around the villages, and Housing construction mainly in houses tenement houses rapidly progressed around these factories from the end of the Taisho era. However, some farmland and vacant land remained. Also, affected by the rural structure before urbanization, there was a difference in the development of the urban area between the east and west of Takeda Street. Because the southwestern part was more fertile than the east side, it was maintained as farmland. In other words, the east side, which was inferior as farmland, took the initiative in urbanization. In addition, in the margins of the formed urban area, small-scale defective housing districts are scattered, and they were also settlements of Koreans. Especially in the northeastern part of the area, which was close to pre-modern discrimination areas, the concentration of poor people led to the construction of public housing, social welfare facilities, and flophouse.

 Local landowners developed residential land following industrialization while securing the agricultural land in the southwestern part of the area to respond to the shift of the regional industrial structure from agriculture to industry. In addition, as poverty has increased, some have provided lands for the construction of social welfare facilities and public housing. However, each landowner had lands scattered throughout the area, so each landowner developed residential land individually. This is one of the factors that caused the poor residential area to remain small and scattered. On the other hand, some absent landowners were reluctant to convert to residential lands. Many lands continued to be held and remaining farmland was scattered. Especially in the northeastern part of the area, the remaining farmland and vacant land owned by absent landowners became all residential land after land readjustment beginning in the late 1930s and became a sink for extreme population inflow after the war.

 This paper evaluates the reason why Carmignano was designated in the system of appellation of origin in 1716. It was examined not only from the aspects of natural environment but also from local community, urban culture, society and distribution and reputation of products. Through them, it clarify both of the territorial history of Carmignano and making process of value of product. Specifically, it was clarified the influence of the system of appellation of origin on the process of land accumulation in Fattoria of Capezzana and the expansion period. As a result, the following points became clear.

 Before the 18th century, Carmignano already had an urban base. The Medici family's intervention since the 15th century. Since the Middle Ages the production structure by Mezzadria have characterized the community and the spatial characteristics. Also in the late 17th century, Cosimo III frequently distributed durable Carmignano wines abroad to encourage domestic product. This had been clarified by studies by P. Gennai and F. Martelli.

 Since the late 18th century, Carmignano's reputation has been greatly enhanced. Especially Academia dei Georgorfili played a major role in encouraging agriculture. The particular mention of Tozzetti and Lastri, mentioning wines from Carmignano, indicates that the revitalization of local products and the formation of the region were supported by urban intellectuals. Lastri evaluated Fattoria of Capezzana as good wine productive sites.

 The Cantucci family, which owned Fattoria of Capezzana, had set up land in Carmignano since the 15th century and expanded it in the 1710s and 1720s, increasing its capacity as a production base. The marriage with the Medici, Tornabuoni, and Pitti families was a factor in the fact that in the 17th century they gained the political status of being a Grand Duchy official. Although Capezzana's land agglomeration was attributed to the inheritance of the Cantucci family, and not directly to the system of appellation in 1716, the expansion of Fattoria coincided with the enactment and timing of the system. It is highly probable that the Cantucci family, who owned land in the Carmignano area but gained political status in the Grand Duchy and were in contact with the urban cultural environment, focused on Fattoria management and expanded the land.

 In the central building, as seen in the function of the courtyard as a drinking fountain for domestic animals and Aia, the function of a production base as a fattoria is more remarkable than a villa, and the land expands toward the middle of the 18th century, Among them, the addition of water turbines and buildings can be regarded as an obvious expansion of functional equipment. It can be said that the expansion of Fattoria Capezzana was triggered by the judgment of the landowners who were urban. In addition to that, it can be also evaluated that the production structure such as Mezzadria quickly functioned to expand the production system.

 Carmignano has a unique environment connected to urban culture even before 1716, and since 1716 it can be said that the formation of the area has progressed with the enactment of the system of appellation. The impact of the legal system linking land and products was extremely large, while invisible factors such as the durability and taste of the products were included in the background of the value creation of the region and products.

 A Nankai megathrust earthquake is expected to result in human casualties. Therefore, especially in low-altitude areas with continuous flat terrain, it is important to promote the building of tsunami evacuation towers and specify existing buildings as shelters from tsunamis.

 The purpose of this study is to analyze the efforts made by municipalities, including giving favorable treatment, such as the relaxation of floor-area ratios and the provision of subsidies for promoting the installation of tsunami evacuation buildings by private companies, as public contributions.

 To achieve this purpose, four surveys were conducted in the target regions.

 (1) A questionnaire on whether the target municipalities have established ordinances and systems for promoting the installation of tsunami evacuation buildings.

 (2) A survey carried out by interview for analyzing the need for a subsidy system for promoting the installation of tsunami evacuation buildings, targeting the municipalities subsidizing such activities.

 (3) A survey carried out by interview with a company that actually applied to the subsidy system.

 (4) An analytical survey of maps, targeting the hazard maps prepared by each municipality and the maps compiled by the Geospatial Information Authority of Japan.

 The four surveys elucidated the following facts.

 (1) The subsidies by municipalities have yielded some results in promoting the spread of tsunami evacuation buildings.

 (2) For the regions with low demand for buildings compared to cities, specific measures are required.

 (3) Including the installation of tsunami evacuation buildings in the proposal standard as a development activity in urbanization-controlled areas have yielded some results in promoting the spread of such buildings.

 (4) After the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami, the number of tsunami evacuation buildings increased from 39 to 215.

 In recent years, Many earthquakes have occurred by inland active faults, including the 2016 Kumamoto Earthquake, the 2018 Osaka Earthquake, and the 2018 Hokkaido Eastern Iburi Earthquake. Earthquakes caused by inland active faults have a smaller scale than trench-type earthquakes. However, when major local earthquakes occur near cities, there is a risk of great damage to the livelihoods of the local residents. Governments and local governments are aiming for rapid recovery and restoration from the earthquake disasters. They carry out Disaster Management Plan and promote the estimation of the economic housing damage of the victims and the development of various support systems for rebuilding their lives. If Governments and local governments plan to recover quickly after the earthquake disasters, they need to estimate the costs for housing restoration after the disaster, based on various restoration support systems such as earthquake insurance and life restoration support. In particular, these systems are often formulated on the assumption of a general urban structure, ie, detached houses. There is a concern that the earthquake damage in the metropolitan area cannot be sufficiently achieved because it does not conform to the urban structure of the metropolitan area and the damage aspect.

 In this study, we will focus on what kind of system the governments or local government can build for the victims, and the quick rebuilding will be possible. We calculate the necessary restoration costs and the benefits of the support system, self-funded funds in the earthquake disaster. And we calculate the shortage of restoration costs by comparing the necessary restoration costs against the benefits of the support system and the amount available for self-funding. We capture the trend of damage and estimate the effects of future support measures, by clarifying the earthquake intensity, damage level, dwelling restoration and deficient restoration costs for each type of structure. In addition, since it is expected that the self-funding will vary widely among households, the self-funding assumes multiple cases. As a result of the earthquake simulation, we quantitatively showed that many victims cannot raise the costs needed for restoration. We have shown that the tendency of the shortage differs depending on the building attributes such as the construction method, structure, age, and the degree of damage etc., and in particular, the damaged households in apartment houses have a lot of costs for restoration. We have clarified that although there are certain effects in various support systems, sufficient effects cannot be obtained depending on the attributes of buildings and the degree of damage. Based on the analysis results, we quantitatively grasped the effects of various countermeasures, and considered future effective countermeasures and countermeasures.

 This discussion includes three items as follows.

 1.Judgment of "integer multiple" in Table 2

 2.Analysis of the relationship between "Sujangpok" and the size of the members in each building

 3.Analysis of the relationship between "Sujangpok" and the size of the members in each member

 The authors thanks Dr. Akira Nakanisi for his discussion, and the answers are as follows:

 1. The definition of 「integer multiple」 in Table 2 has been clarified.

 2, 3. A comparative analysis is conducted on the relationship between 「Sujangpok」 and the size of each building.